TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 

\  1 


HEARINGS 

n 

BEFORE  THE 

COMMITTEE  ON  FOREIGN  RELATIONS 
UNITED  STATES  SENATE 

SIXTY-SIXTH  CONGRESS 

FIRST  SESSION 


PART  17 


Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations 


WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT  TRINTING  OFFICE 
1919 


COMMITTEE  ON  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  Massachusetts,  Chairman. 


PORTER  J.  HcCTTMBER,  North  Dakota. 
WILLIAM  E.  BORAH,  Idaho. 

FRANK  B.  BRANDEGEE,  Connecticut. 
ALBERT  B.  FALL,  New  Mexico. 
PHILANDER  C.  KNOX,  Pennsylvania. 
WARREN  G.  HARDING,  Ohio. 

HIRAM  W.  JOHNSON,  California. 
HARRY  S.  NEW,  Indiana. 


GILBERT  M.  HITCHCOCK,  Nebraska. 
JOHN  SHARP  WILLIAMS,  Mississippi. 
CLAUDE  A.  SWANSON,  Virginia. 
ATLEE  POMERENE,  Ohio. 

MARCUS  A.  SMITH,  Arizona. 

KEY  PITTMAN,  Nevada. 

JOHN  K.  SHIELDS,  Tennessee 


GEORGE  H.  MOSES,  New  Hampshire. 

Charles  F.  Redmond,  Clerk. 


H 


^0.1117 


SATURDAY,  AUGUST  30,  1919. 

United  States  Senate, 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 

Washington ,  D.  C. 

The  committee  met,  pursuant  to  adjournment,  at  10  o’clock  a.  m.? 
in  room  426  Senate  Office  Building,  Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge 
presiding. 

Present:  Senators  Lodge  (chairman),  Borah,  Brandegee,  Fall, 
Knox,  Harding,  Johnson,  New,  Moses,  Swanson,  and  Pittman. 

The  Chairman.  The  committee  will  be  in  order,  please.  Judge 
Cohalan,  we  will  hear  you  now.  Unfortunately  our  time  is  limited, 
and  we  can  give  only  two  hours,. as  we  have  to  hear  representatives 
of  Greece  for  an  hour  afterwards.  Judge  Cohalan,  I  leave  it  to  you 
to  arrange  the  time  for  the  different  speeches. 

STATEMENT  OF  HON.  DANIEL  F.  COHALAN,  JUSTICE  OF  THE 

SUPREME  COURT  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Judge  Cohalan.  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  committee, 
acting  on  behalf  of  those  who  are  here  to  represent  the  great  bulk 
of  the  20,000,000  of  the  Irish  element  in  this  country,  we  have 
arranged  a  program  which  with  your  permission  we  will  carry 
through  in  the  order  wTe  have  fixed,  if  possible,  taking  only  the  time 
you  have  allotted  to  us.  If  we  may  have  to  call  upon  you  for  a  few 
minutes  extra,  we  are  going  to  ask  you  to  indulge  us  in  it  if  you  will. 

We  are  opposed  to  the  proposed  league  of  nations  for  man}7  rea¬ 
sons,  all  of  which  we  believe  are  of  great  weight  and  importance  to 
the  interests  of  our  country.  We  object,  in  the  first  place,  to  the 
proposal  to  establish  what  we  believe  to  be  a  superstate  to  which 
shall  be  delegated  or  turned  over  powers  that  belong  to  the  sovereign 
United  States  of  America.  We  believe  that  that  is  an  infringement 
upon  the  sovereignty  of  the  country  and  is  an  interference  with  its 
liberty,  and  because  of  that  we  most  strongly  oppose  the  establish¬ 
ment  of  any  such  body. 

•  We  believe  it  to  be  an  affront  to  America  to  suggest  even  that  in 

»  any  such  proposed  league  of  nations  as  is  coming  before  us 

that  any  country,  no  matter  how  friendly  it  may  claim  to  be  to 
America,  should  have  six  votes  as  compared  to  the  one  vote  of 

#  America.  We  believe  that'  would  be  an  affront  to  the  intelligence  of 
the  people  of  America  and  a  very  decided  injury  to  America  if  any 
such  scheme  were  to  go  through. 

We  are  opposed  to  this  proposed  league  of  nations  because  of  the 
fact  that  under  it  we  believe  the  old  American  doctrine  of  the  free¬ 
dom  of  the  seas,  for  which  America  has  stood  all  through  its  history, 
Is  not  taken  care  of  in  any  way,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  the  matter 

135549°— 19  757 


758 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


lias  been  arranged  in  such  manner  as  to  turn  over  to  England, 
without  protest,  the  control  of  the  oceans  of  the  world. 

We  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  because  of  the  extraor¬ 
dinary  development  of  our  industrial  conditions  we  manufacture  in 
less  than  8  months  of  every  year  what  w^e  would  consume  in  12 
months,  and  that  as  a  consequence  of  that,  for  4  months  in  the  year 
we  are  dependent  for  a  market,  and  for  an  output  for  our  factories, 
upon  our  foreign  trade.  We  insist  that  under  the  conditions  that 
would  obtain  if  this  proposed  league  of  nations  were  to  go  through 
we  would  be  left  in  a  position  where  we  could  carry  on  such  trade, 
not  as  the  matter  of  right  which  we  now  enjoy,  for  which  we  fought, 
and  our  forefathers  before  us  fought,  and  which  we  have  always 
enjoyed  during  the  history  of  our  country,  but  as  a  privilege  extended 
to  us  by  the  nation  which  controlled  the  sea.  We  say  this  in  no  spirit 
of  hostility  to  England.  We  would  take  the  same  position  if  any 
other  country  were  put  in  the  position  of  controlling  the  sea.  We 
insist  that  for  tire  interest  of  America  it  is  absolutely  requisite  that 
no  power  should  be  able  to  control  the  ocean  through  the  system  of 
navalism  any  more  than  anv  country  divided  should  control  all  the 
land  under  the  system  of  militarism. 

We  believe  we  went  to  war  for  the  purpose  of  ending  autocracy 
and  all  that  that  means,  and  that  it  means  not  alone  militarism,  the 
control  of  the  land,  but  also  navalism,  the  control  of  the  oceans  of 
the  world.  We  say  that  if  we  could  carry  on  our  commerce  only 
so  long  as  the  opportunity  to  do  so  was  extended  to  us  as  a  matter 
of  privilege  by  any  nation,  no  matter  how  friendly  that  nation 
might  claim  to  be,  we  could  in  no  way  build  up  our  commerce 
or  build  up  our  industry  on  any  permanent  basis  at  all,  because 
our  commerce  would  be  subject  to  the  whim,  or  subject  to  the 
interest,  or  subject  to  the  passion  of  the  hour,  as  it  might  appeal  to 
any  other  nation,  or  to  any  combination  of  nations  together;  and 
we  point  out  with  relation  to  that  that  we  do  not  believe  this  war 
will  have  been  properly  won;  that  is,  that  the  interests  of  America 
will  have  been  properly  taken  care  of  as  a  consequence  of  the  winning 
of  the  war  as  we  insist  that  it  was  won,  because  of  the  contribution 
made  by  America,  in  spite  of  all  that  may  be  said  by  the  other  coun¬ 
tries  and  the  contributions  they  made,  and  the  interests  of  Amer¬ 
ica  and  the  interests  of  mankind  will  not  be  properly  safe¬ 
guarded  so  long  as  any  one  nation  of  any  combination  of  nations 
is  left  in  possession  and  control  of  the  sea,  and  able  to  interfere  with 
the  commerce  that  should  be  carried  on  in  a  normal  way  between 
all  the  free-trading  countries  of  the  world,  all  the  countries  that 
want  to  carry  on  commerce  with  one  another  and  to  have  friendly 
business  relations  with  one  another. 

We  believe  the  British  fleet  in  its  position  of  predominant  power 
to-day  is  a  menace  to  the  commerce  of  the  United  States.  We  say 
that  it  no  longer  can  be  a  weapon  in  the  hands  of  England  as  against 
Germany,  because  Germany  has  been  put  in  a  position  where  it  can 
in  no  way  compete  with  England,  where  it  has  been  deprived  of  its 
navy  entirely. 

We  say  the  same  thing  with  relation  to  Bussia.  We  say  that 
it  can  not  be  held  in  any  way  to  be  used  as  a  weapon  against  France, 
because  France,  through  the  action  of  her  statesmen  and  the  stress 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


759 


of  circumstances,  has  practically  been  taken  into  the  continental 
vassalage  of  England.  We  say  under  those  conditions  that  the  Eng¬ 
lish  fleet  can  be  directed  or  used  as  a  weapon  of  menace  against 
nobody  except  the  United  States  of  America,  and  we  point  out  that 
even  though,  as  many  Englishmen  contend,  it  is  only  a  matter  of  coin¬ 
cidence  it  is  a  fact  that  at  any  time  when  any  country  has  put  itself  or 
been  put  in  the  position  of  being  an  economic  rival  or  being  an  indus¬ 
trial  competitor  of  England  ruin  has  overtaken  that  country  in  every 
way;  and  we  say  in  the  interest  of  a  just  and  permanent  peace,  if  it 
can  be  made  under  these  conditions  at  all,  it  can  be  made  only  by 
taking  care  to  see  that  England  should  not  be  put  in  a  position  where 
she  can  menace  the  commerce  of  the  United  States,  and  menace  the 
commerce  of  the  world,  whenever  it  suits  her  interest  or  whenever 
it  suits  her  whim  to  do  so.  We  suggest  with  relation  to  that,  that 
in  any  peace  that  should  be  made  precaution  should  be  taken  to 
see  that  there  be  a  general  disarmament  not  only  on  land  but 
also  on  sea,  so  that  there  will  be  actual  freedom  of  all  the  world  and 
not  freedom  simply  of  part  of  the  world. 

We  point  out  the  importance  of  Ireland  in  any  scheme  that  would 
practically  bring  about  the  fredom  of  the  sea.  We  say,  again  in  no 
spirit  of  hostility  to  England  at  all,  but  only  taking  conditions  into 
account  as  they  exist,  that  England  can  not  continue  to  be  the  domi¬ 
nant  power  of  the  earth;  that  England  can  not  continue  to  control 
the  world  unless  she  controls  the  sea,  and  that  her  continued  control 
of  the  sea  is  dependent  upon  her  continued  control  of  Ireland;  and 
we  say  that  she  can  make  no  better  contribution  to  the  general  free¬ 
dom  of  the  world,  she  can  give  no  better  evidence  of  her  desire  to 
make  a  just  and  durable  and  permanent  peace,  than  by  consenting 
to  the  disarmament  of  this  fleet,  which  now  is  so  very  much  larger 
than  the  fleet  of  any  other  nation  or  practically  any  combination  of 
nations. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Do  you  object  to  being  asked  a  question,  or 
do  you  want  to  proceed  without  interruption  ? 

Judge  Coiialan.  I  do  not  mind,  at  all. 

Senator  Brandegee.  I  wanted,  if  it  would  not  interrupt  the 
continuity  of  your  thought,  to  have  you  state  a  little  more  in  detail 
what  you  mean  when  you  say  that  the  continued  supremacy  of  the 
sea  depends  upon  this  control  of  Ireland  by  England.  I  did  not 
quite  get  it. 

Judge  Cohalan.  For  your  consideration,  I  would  present  the  geo¬ 
graphical  position  of  Ireland  with  relation  to  England,  the  thing  to 
which  you  remember  George  Washington  referred  when  he  said 
that  if  Ireland  were  500  miles  from  England  there  would  be  no  Irish 
question.  When  you  think  of  the  relation  of  Ireland  to  England, 
you  see  it  puts  England  in  a  place  where  she  can  control  the  ocean, 
as  she  can  not  control  the  ocean  unless  she  controls  Ireland.  While  it 
is  true  that  England  made  last  year  $225,000,000  out  of  the  control 
of  Ireland,  the  real  secret  for  insisting  upon  keeping  her  control  of 
Ireland  is  that  she  wants  to  be  able  to  control  the  seas.  She  can  do 
that  because  of  the  geographical  position  of  Ireland  only  if  she  con¬ 
trols  Ireland.  iYou  will  remember  that  you  can  not  approach  the 
southern  coast  of  England  without  passing  the  southern  coast  of 
Ireland,  and  can  not  approach  the  northern  coast  of  England  without 
passing  the  northern  coast  of  Ireland.  Under  the  circumstances, 
England  is  going  to  insist  on  control  of  Ireland. 


760 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


As  I  sav,  she  can  make  no  greater  contribution  to  the  freedom 
of  the  world,  can  give  no  greater  evidence  of  the  desire  to  bring 
about  a  just  and  permanent  peace,  than  to  give  her  consent  to  having 
the  republican  form  of  government  which  has  been  set  up  in  Ireland 
recognized  by  herself  as  well  as  the  other  nations  of  the  world. 

Passing  from  that  we  contend  that  we  must  as  Americans  take  a 
position  in  opposition  to  this  proposed  league  of  nations  because  of 
what  it  does  with  relation  to  the  Monroe  doctrine.  We  insist  that 
the  Monroe  doctrine  is  one  of  the  fundamental  principles  upon  which 
American  power  has  been  reared,  and  that  our  foreign  policv  has 
recognized  it  as  the  great  principle  of  American  statesmanship,  of 
American  interests,  and  if  this  peace  convention  is  going  to  give  its 
attention  to  the  settling  of  all  problems  in  the  future  so  as  to  do  away 
with  the  probability  of  some  great  war  occurring  in  the  world,  it 
ought  to  take  into  question  conditions  as  they  have  existed' up  to  the 
present  time,  and  then  the  interests  of  America  are  the  first  thing  that 
should  be  looked  out  for  by  those  who  represent  and  speak  for 
America. 

We  point  out  that  under  the  Monroe  doctrine,  as  it  has  been  estab¬ 
lished,  we  have  grown  in  wealth,  prosperity,  and  power  as  no  nation 
in  the  history  of  the  world  lias  grown.  And  we  say  that  the  Monroe 
doctrine  if  it  is  to  be  changed  should  be  changed  not  in  the  way  of 
diminishing  its  power,  but  in  the  way  of  strengthening  its  power. 
If  there  shall  be  a  desire  to  make  a  permanent  peace,  the  Monroe 
doctrine  should  be  extended  so  that  it  shall  include  any  European 
interests  in  the  Western  Hemisphere.  Any  European  country  which 
is'  represented  here  by  territory  should  depart.  Since  the  Monroe 
doctrine  has  been  enunciated  all  the  territory  which  is  possessed  in 
western  America  by  them  has  been  given  up  by  Denmark,  France, 
Russia,  Spain,  and  Portugal,  and  the  only  power  remaining  in  any 
large  way  upon  this  hemisphere,  the  only  European  power  possessing 
territory  of  any  extent  in  this  country,  is  the  British  Empire,  and  we 
say  that  if  there  is  going  to  be  a  permanent  settlement  to  come  out 
of  these  peace  negotiations,  the  people  of  Canada,  our  great  neigh¬ 
bor  on  the  north,  ought  to  have  submitted  to  them  the  question  of 
taking  their  place  among  the  republics  of  the  Western  Hemisphere, 
or  even  if  an  arrangement  could  be  made  of  joining  our  country,  and 
in  the  same  way  the  territory  that  England  lias  in  the  West  Indies 
should  be  turned  over  to  America  or  turned  over  to  the  people 
of  those  islands  in  order  that  there  may  be  no  further  menace  of 
American  commerce,  so  far  as  the  Western  Hemisphere  is  concerned. 

We  Irish  think  that  there  should  be  no  abandonment  of  the  policy 
laid  down  by  Washington  in  his  Farewell  Address  of  keeping  away 
from  permanent  entangling  alliances  with  any  of  the  countries  of 
the  Old  World.  We  point  out  that  this  has  been  the  policy  which 
has  been  followed  strictly  by  America  and  has  resulted  probably 
more  than  anything  else  in  strengthening  the  extraordinary  posi¬ 
tion  we  occupy  to-day.  As  the  Senator  from  Pennsylvania  said  so 
well  yesterday,  the  only  great  solvent  power  left,  practically,  on  the 
earth  is  the  United  States,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  those  representing 
America  to  continue  this  policy,  and  we  urge  that  in  acting  for  the 
welfare  of  America  care  should  be  taken  to  see  that  that  doctrine 
should  be  upheld,  and  that  the  advice  of  Washington  should  be  con- 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


761 


tinued  and  lived  up  to  in  such  a  way  that  we  should  neither  take 
part  in  the  quarrels  of  the  Old  World  nor  permit  them  to  take  part 
m  our  quarrels. 

Coming  down  to  specific  things,  as  far  as  article  10  of  the  proposed 
league  of  nations  is  concerned,  Yve  most  emphatically  protest  against 
that.  Under  it  we  are  asked  to  make  the  greatest  departure  from 
American  traditions  of  statesmanship  that  has  ever  been  made. 
W  e  are  asked  to  abandon  the  position  that  wo  have  taken  up  to  this 
day,  as  we  did  in  Cuba,  to  give  aid  where  people  have  been  struggling 
to  be  free,  and  we  would  be  unable  to  extend  our  sympathies  to  people 
all  over  the  world  who  are  struggling  to  be  free,  if  we  guarantee  the 
territorial  integrity  of  existing  nations.  Under  the  proposed  league 
of  nations  we  should  have  to  guarantee  the  territorial  integrity  of  the 
Japanese  Empire,  the  British  Empire,  the  only  two  empires  remain¬ 
ing,  and  guarantee  to  them  the  possession  of  all  the  spoils  and  the 
loot  that  they  have  gathered  up  in  their  existence  in  all  parts  of  the 
world.  No  relief  could  be  given  Ireland  as  in  the  sixteenth  century 
Spain  gave  aid  to  Ireland  in  her  fight  against  England,  for  we 
would  be  compelled  to  make  a  fight,  and  would  be  compelled  to 
send  our  men  into  Ireland,  not  for  the  purpose  of  helping  them  in 
their  struggle  but  in  order  to  help  England  to  rivet  the  chains  upon 
her.  * 

We  point  out  that  if  France  should  desire  to  assist  Ireland  as 
she  did  in  the  seventeenth  century  and  the  eighteenth  century  that 
she  would  be  unable  to  do  so. 

We  say  that  it  is  utterly  un-American,  that  it  is  against  our  best 
interest,  against  our  highest  ideals  and  against  our  highest  ambi¬ 
tion,  and  we  point  out  the  facts  so  well  known  that  if  a  league  of 
nations  had  been  in  existence  at  the  time  of  the  Revolution  that 
France  could  not  have  come  to  the  asssitance  of  the  13  Colonies,  or 
if  it  had  been  in  existence  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish- American  War, 
that  we  could  not  have  gone  to  the  assistance  of  Cuba,  to  help  Cuba 
to  obtain  the  position  that  she  now  occupies  among  the  Republics  of 
the  world. 

Now,  so  far  as  Ireland  is  concerned,  of  course  we  understand  that 
this  discussion  here  should  be  very  largely  confined  to  the  proposed 
league  of  nations.  But  we  want  to  point  out  some  of  the  conditions 
over  there  that  show  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  British  Empire.  We 
say  that  no  people  on  earth  held  in  oppression,  held  practically  in 
slavery,  have  ever  shown  such  an  extraordinary  political  unanimity 
in  the  expression  of  their  desire  to  change  the  form  of  government 
under  which  they  live,  and  to  become  again  one  of  the  free  nations 
of  the  world.  Ireland  is  able  to  support  herself — to  stand  upon  her 
feet.  England  last  year  made  from  Ireland  $225,000,000.  She  gath¬ 
ered  in  taxation,  according  to  her  own  figures,  some  £34,000,000, 
equivalent  to  $170,000,000;  she  spent  for  the  government  of  Ireland 
some  £13,000,000,  leaving  a  profit  of  £21,000,000,  or  $105,000,000,  tak¬ 
ing  $5  as  the  value  of  a  pound. 

Last  year  by  reason  of  her  absolute  control  of  the  sea,  by  reason  of 
the  fact  that  she  shut  Ireland  off  absolutely  from  contact  with  the 
rest  of  the  world,  so  far  as  commerce  is  concerned,  compelling  Ireland 
to  sell  everything  she  has  to  sell  through  an  English  channel  and 
compelling  her  to  buy  everything  she  has  to  buy  from  the  western 


7G2 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


world  through  an  English  channel,  she  did  95  per  cent  of  the 
business  of  Ireland. 

Sir  Horace  Plunkett  says  that  Ireland’s  business  with  the  rest  of 
the  world  amounted  to  $820,000,000.  The  English  statistics,  so  far 
as  we  can  get  them,  show  that  this  amount  was  $S60,000,000  instead 
of  $820,000,000.  And  we  say  that  the  English  trader,  who  has  no 
peer  in  ability,  has  made  profit  on  the  turnover  of  $120,000,000.  This, 
together  with  the  excess  taxation,  makes  a  total  of  $225,000,000. 

We  say  that  since  the  Act  of  Union  the  Childers  Commission,  which 
was  appointed  by  Gladstone  in  1894,  composed  of  15  men  (9  English¬ 
men),  after  two  years  of  investigation  of  English  data,  reported  that 
Ireland,  instead  of  costing  the  English  money,  from  January,  1861  to 
1896,  had  overpaid  into  the  English  treasury  in  the  form  of  overtaxa¬ 
tion  annually  the  sum  of  £2,715,000,  or  the  equivalent  of  $14,000,000, 
which  means  that  for  the  120  years  since  the  formation  of  the  union 
England  had  taken  out  of  Ireland  over  $1,700,000,000.  We  call 
your  attention  to  that  staggering  sum  even  in  these  days.  When 
they  wanted  to  destroy  France  they  imposed  an  indemnity  of 
$1,000,000,000,  but  here  they  have  taken  from  Ireland  in  overtaxation 
a  much  greater  sum. 

In  the  last  70  years,  between  1845  and  1915,  the  population  of  Ire¬ 
land  has  been  practically  cut  in  two.  In  1845  the  population  was 
practically  8,500,000 — between  8,250,000  and  8,500,000.  According 
to  the  census  taken  in  1915  by  the  British  Government  the  popula¬ 
tion  was  a  little  over  4,000,000.  We  say  that  you  can  not  find  any 
parallel  in  the  history  of  the  world  as  that. 

Senator  Knox.  From  what  years? 

Judge  Cohalan.  Seventy  years;  from  1845  to  1915. 

Senator  Knox.  There  is  a  parallel  in  Central  America. 

J udge  Cohalan.  I  did  not  know  that  you  could  find  one. 

Senator  Knox.  That  is  under  very  benighted  conditions. 

Judge  Cohalan.  I  would  say,  in  relation  to  that,  by  way  of  com¬ 
parison,  that  the  peoples  of  the  continent  of  Europe  that  were  most 
strongly  tyrannized  over — if  you  put  it  in  that  way,  the  nations 
against  whose  governments  the  strongest  complaints  were  made  by 
those  over  whom  they  were  working  and  who  suffered  most  under 
such  a  condition  of  affairs,  during  the  time  that  Alsace-Lorraine 
was  under  German  rule  she  grew  and  prospered  in  population; 
Schleswig-Holstein  under  German  rule  grew  and  prospered ;  Poland 
under  Kussian  rule ;  and  there  has  been  no  parallel,  except  as  Senator 
Knox  has  indicated  as  to  Central  America. 

We  say  that  we  are  dependent  for  four  months  of  every  year  upon 
the  foreign  markets  of  the  world  to  find  some  place  in  which  to  sell 
our  goods  in  order  that  our  factories  may  run  to  their  full  capacity 
and  the  men  may  be  employed. 

In  1913  the  business  between  England  and  the  United  States 
amounted  to  $875,000,000.  The  exports  from  America  to  England 
were  $700,000,000,  while  the  imports  from  England  to  America  were 
$175,000,000.  The  business  between  England  and  Ireland  was  $675,- 
000,000  in  that  year,  and  the  imports  were  around  $350,000,000,  so 
that  England  found  in  Ireland  a  place  to  which  to  send  her  manu¬ 
factured  goods  to  the  extent  of  twice  that  she  found  in  this  country. 

In  1801  the  population  of  England  was  9,000,000  and  the  popula- 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


763 


tion  of  Ireland  was  6,000,000.  The  size  of  England  is  50,000  square 
miles  and  Ireland  32,000  square  miles,  showing  that  the  proportion 
of  population  of  Ireland  should  be  two-thirds  that  of  England. 
That  was  the  condition  when  the  act  of  union,  passed  on  the  1st  of 
January,  1801,  which  Gladstone  characterized  as  the  most  corrupt  act 
ever  passed  in  England. 

Wo  say  that  the  proposed  league  of  nations  is  un-American  and 
that  it  can  not  be  depended  on  to  guard  the  interests  of  America, 
that  it  can  not  safeguard  the  interest  of  America.  We  speak  for 
people  who  are  devoted  to  America  above  everything  else,  who  have 
done  everything  possible  to  stand  b}^  American  traditions  and  ideals. 
We  urge  upon  you  very  strongly,  speaking  practically  for  one  of 
every  five  persons  in  America,  that  the  Senate  report  against  this 
proposed  league  of  nations  and  recommend  that  the  Senate  reject 
it,  and  if  under  any  circumstances  any  part  of  it  should  be  accepted 
that  under  no  condition  should  article  10  or  article  11  be  accepted, 
or  any  other  things  from  which  there  would  be  a  curtailment  of 
American  sovereignty  and  American  independence.  We  are  opposed 
to  the  whole  league  of  nations.  We  believe  it  is  un-American,  and 
urge  and  insist  that  in  it  there  can  be  no  justice  and  no  just  and  per¬ 
manent  peace,  and  that  by  adopting  it  you  are  only  making  for  a 
continuance  of  the  war. 

Senator  Moses.  Judge  Cohalan,  you  spoke  of  your  speaking  for  one 
of  every  five  persons  in  the  United  States.  Do  you  intend  to  imply 
that  there  are  20,000,000  of  inhabitants  of  this  country  who  are  of 
Irish  origin? 

Judge  Coiialan.  We  think  there  are  many  more  than  that. 

Senator  Moses.  And  the  views  that  you  express  are  shared  by  that 

20,000,000? 

Judge  Cohalan.  Suppose  I  give  you  some  evidence  of  it.  I  would 
like  to  put  in  the  record  the  reasons  I  have  for  that  opinion.  On 
the  22d  and  23d  of  February,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  I  had  the 
honor  of  presiding  over  the  most  patriotic  gathering  of  American 
citizens  that  I  have  ever  seen.  There  were  5,132  accredited  dele¬ 
gates  to  the  convention.  The  resolutions  that  were  passed  were  of¬ 
fered  by  Cardinal  Gibbons,  seconded  by  a  distinguished  Episco¬ 
palian  minister  and  by  a  distinguished  Presbyterian  minister  and 
by  a  famous  Jewish  rabbi. 

Among  those  thousands  of  delegates  were  hundreds  representing 
the  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  hundreds  representing  the  Ancient 
Order  of  Hibernians,  with  its  more  than  quarter  million  members, 
and  represented  at  this  hearing  by  its  national  president,  Judge 
Deery  of  Indianapolis,  and  its  other  national  officers.  Many  speak¬ 
ers  there  represented  the  Women’s  Auxiliary  of  the  Ancient  Order 
of  Hibernians,  and  that  order  is  today  represented  here  by  its 
national  president,  Mrs.  McWhorter,  and  its  other  national  officers; 
and  present  also  were  representatives  from  practically  every  Irish 
American  society  in  this  country.  From  compilations  frequently 
made  from  statistics  as  to  the  racial  origin  of  the  people  of  our 
country,  we  feel  that  we  are  well  within  bounds  in  claiming  that 
without  regard  to  religious  belief,  at  least  1  in  every  5  of  our  citizens 
is  of  Irish  origin. 

Senator  Moses.  Can  you  explain,  then,  why  it  is  that  the  Irish 
Senators  are  so  lukewarm  ? 


764 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


J udge  Cohalan.  Senator,  I  came  here  for  the  purpose  of  making  an 
argument  showing  our  position  to-day.  I  came  here  to  make  an 
argument  that  would  appeal  to  all  the  Senators,  no  matter  what 
races  they  represent,  and  when  the  hearing  is  concluded  I  hope  that 
the  Senators  will  be  convinced. 

Senator  Johnson  of  California.  The  difficulty  is  that  you  have 
been  addressing  yourself  thus  far  to  members  of  this  committee  who 
are  of  one  mind  upon  this  subject. 

Judge  Cohalan.  Looking  around  and  seeing  the  number  of  them, 
I  am  glad  that  that  is  so. 

Senator  Johnson  of  California.  I  wish  it  were  possible  for  you 
to  address  them  all. 

The  Chairman.  Are  you  ready  to  go  on? 

Judge  Cohalan.  I  am  going  to  cjill  upon  Mr.  Patrick  J.  Lynch, 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Indiana,  to  read  the  memorial  on  the  behalf 
of5  those  who  have  come  here.  They  have  come  from  practically  every 
State  in  the  Union,  from  all  walks  in  life,  and  from  all  over  the 
country.  We  wish  that  it  were  possible  to  get  people  from  the  differ¬ 
ent  parts  of  the  country  to  be  heard,  but  we  have  prepared  a  general 
memorial,  and  then  later  we  will  hand  in  the  names  of  those  who  have 
signed. 

(The  following  memorial  was  read  by  Mr.  Patrick  J.  Lynch:) 

MEMORIAL  TO  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Senators  :  We,  citizens  of  tlie  United  States,  of  Irish  blood,  but  attached 
above  all  things  to  this  Republic  and  its  Constitution,  respectfully  pray  that  the 
proposed  treaty  now  before  you  he  rejected  as  a  direct  violation  of  the  prin¬ 
ciples  on  which  this  war  was  fought,  as  they  were  defined  by  President  Wilson 
in  these  words,  addressed  to  Congress : 

“National  aspirations  must  he  respected;  peoples  may  now  he  dominated  and 
governed  only  by  their  own  consent.  ‘  Self-determination  ”  is  not  a  mere  phrase. 
It  is  an  imperative  principle  of  action,  which  statesmen  will  henceforth  ignore 
at  their  peril.” 

And,  again,  in  the  President’s  address  delivered  at  Mount  Vernon  July  4, 
1918: 

“  The  settlement  of  every  question,  whether  of  territory,  of  sovereignty,  of 
economic  arrangement,  or  of  political  relationship,  upon  the  basis  of  the  free 
acceptance  of  that  settlement  by  the  people  immediately  concerned,  and  not 
upon  the  basis  of  the  material  interest  or  advantage  of  any  other  nation  or 
people  which  may  desire  a  different  settlement  for  the  sake  of  its  own  exterior 
influence  or  mastery.” 

On  these  principles  other  nations  which  have  claimed  their  right  to  inde¬ 
pendence  only  during  a  period  comparatively  recent  have  been  emancipated. 
To  them  America  was  bound  by  no  ties  save  that  of  sympathy  for  the  cause  of 
freedom. 

Ireland  has  been  asserting  continuously  her  claim  to  independence  for  eight 
centuries.  America  is  bound  to  her  by  close  ties  of  friendship  and  of  obligation 
for  manifold  services  in  peace  and  war.  One-fifth  of  this  entire  population  is 
of  Irish  extraction.  In  every  war  which  America  has  fought  Irishmen  have 
shed  their  blood  in  a  measure  far  in  excess  of  their  proportion  to  population. 
We  ask  that  Ireland  be  not  the  only  nation  excluded  from  the  benefit  of  the 
glorious  principles  enunciated  by  Mr.  Wilson,  as  those  which  the  great  war 
was  fought  to  establish. 

We  especially  denounce  Article  X  of  the  proposed  league  of  nations  as  a  de¬ 
vice  to  stifle  the  conscience  of  civilization  and  render  it  impotent  to  condemn, 
and,  by  condemning,  to  end  the  oppression  of  weak  nations  enslaved  by  power¬ 
ful  neighbors.  It  impeaches  the  most  creditable  page  in  our  history  and  dis¬ 
credits  the  circumstances  and  conditions  in  which  our  Republic  was  born  and 
our  liberty  achieved. 

The  conscience  of  civilization,  the  only  force  to  which  the  oppressed  can 
appeal,  would  no  longer  be  able  to  take  effective  jurisdiction  of  wrongs  perpe- 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


765 


trated  by  powerful  nations  on  weaker  people.  No  struggling  nation  has  ever 
achieved  its  independence  except  through  the  aid  of  other  nations.  The  strug¬ 
gling  American  Colonies  could  never  have  thrown  off  the  yoke  of  Great  Britain 
without  the  aid  of  France.  Cuba  could  never  have  been  freed  without  the 
intervention  of  this  country,  and  one  of  the  most  creditable  pages  in  human 
history  would  never  have  been  written. 

Greece  could  never  have  escaped  from  the  hideous  domination  of  the  Turk 
but  for  tlie  assistance  of  enlightened  nations. 

Under  article  11  it  becomes  the  right  of  the  council  of  the  league  to  prevent 
an  assembly  of  American  citizens  to  petition  their  Government  to  afford  relief  to 
an  oppressed  nation.  On  this  point  article  11  specifically  says : 

“  It  is  also  declared  to  be  the  friendly  right  of  each  member  of  the  league 
to  bring  to  the  attention  of  the  assembly  or  of  the  council  any  circumstance 
whatever  affecting  international  relations  which  threaten  to  disturb  interna¬ 
tional  peace  or  the  good  understanding  between  nations  on  which  peace  de¬ 
pends.” 

Under  that  clause  our  Congress  could  not  express  in  the  future,  as  it  did 
In  the  past,  our  sympathy  with  countries  like  Greece,  seeking  freedom  from 
the  Turk ;  the  South  American  Republics,  seeking  liberty  from  Spain ;  or 
tender  a  welcome  to  Kossuth,  of  stricken  Hungary ;  or  Parnell,  pleading  for 
a  self-governing  Ireland. 

The  determination  of  Ireland  to  regain  her  independence  has  been  one  of 
the  sources  of  every  great  war  which  scourged  the  world  for  four  centuries. 
Any  question  which  disturbs  the  peace  of  nations  is  uot  domestic,  but  inter¬ 
national.  Its  settlement  is,  therefore,  an  imperative  necessity  of  international 
peace. 

Through  long  centuries  of  oppression  Ireland  has  maintained  her  national 
spirit  largely  because  she  has  always  hitherto  been  able  to  cherish  a  hope 
that  she  might  receive  from  some  well-disposed  foreign  power  the  assistance 
which  would  insure  her  independence.  She  looked  to  Spain  for  this  aid  at 
the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century ;  to  France  in  the  seventeenth,  eighteenth, 
and  nineteenth  centuries.  She  looks  for  it  now  in  the  twentieth  century  to 
America,  and  we  confidently  hope  and  pray  that  the  Senate  will  not  allow  that 
light  of  hope  to  be  extinguished. 

Signed  by — 

Daniel  F.  Cohalan,  justice,  supreme  court,  New  York  City. 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Khnsas  City. 

E.  F.  Dunne,  former  governor,  Illinois,  Chicago,  Ill. 

Michael  J.  Ryan,  Philadelphia. 

John  Archdeacon  Murphy,  member  of  American  commission  on  Irish  inde¬ 
pendence,  attending  peace  conference,  Paris,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Charles  S.  Bartlett,  governor,  New  Hampshire,  Concord,  N.  H. 

W.  W.  McDowell,  lieutenant  governor,  Montana,  Butte,  Mont. 

John  W.  Goff,  former  justice,  supreme  court,  New  York  City. 

Bourke  Cochran,  New  York  City. 

Daniel  T.  O’Connell,  director,  Irish  national  bureau,  Washington,  Boston, 
IvXnss 

John  E.  Milholland,  New  York  City. 

James  K.  McGuire,  representing  Irish  societies  of  Westchester  County,  N.  Y. 

Joseph  F.  O’Connell,  former  Member  of  Congress,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rev.  F.  X.  McCabe,  president  De  Paul  University,  Chicago,  Ill. 

Right  Rev.  Monsignor  Gerald  P.  Coglilan,  treasurer  Philadelphia  Friends  of 
Irish  Freedom,  Philadelphia. 

Michael  Francis  Doyle,  Philadelphia. 

Mary  F.  McWhorter,  national  president  Ladies’  Auxiliary,  Ancient  Order  of 
Hibernians,  Chicago,  Ill. 

Peter  F.  Tague,  Member  of  Congress,  Boston,  Mass. 

Cornelius  Corcoran  John  McBride  branch,  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  Law¬ 
rence,  Mass. 

Frank  S.  McDonald,  John  McBride  branch,  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  Law¬ 
rence,  Mass. 

Michael  F.  Phelan,  Member  of  Congress,  Lynn,  Mass. 

Hugh  O’Neill,  committee  of  100  for  an  Irish  republic,  Chicago,  Ill. 

Richard  W.  Wolfe,  committee  of  100  for  an  Irish  republic,  Chicago,  Ill. 

James  E.  Murray,  representing  Irish  societies  of  Montana,  Butte,  Mont 

C.  E.  McGuire,  Washington,  D.  C. 

D.  J.  Carlin,  New  Orleans,  La. 


766 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


John  P.  Leahy,  delegate,  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
W.  J.  O’Brien,  M.  D.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Mrs.  M.  A.  Gallagher,  State  president  Ladies’  Auxiliary  of  Pennsylvania, 
Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians,  Philadelphia. 

Louis  E.  Kavanaugh,  president  Omaha  Association  branch,  Friends  of  Irish 
Freedom,  Omaha,  Nebr. 

P.  M.  Halloran,  representing  Irish  societies  of  Anaconda,  Mont. 

J.  W.  Maney,  president  of  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  Oklahoma  City,  Okla. 
Horace  H.  Hagan,  former  assistant  attorney  general  of  Oklahoma. 

Dennis  Meehan,  York,  Nebr. 

Thomas  Darragh  Mullins,  member  national  council,  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom, 
Pittsburgh. 

Dudley  Field  Malone,  Croton  on  the  Hudson,  N.  Y. 

Martin  Scully,  former  mayor  of  Waterbury,  Waterbury,  Conn. 

Joseph  P.  Mahoney,  president  United  Societies  of  Cook  County  and  Chicago, 
Chicago,  Ill. 

Rev.  James  Mattan  Mythen,  representing  national  council,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Patrick  Lee,  secretary  American  commission  on  Irish  independence,  Rich¬ 
mond  Hill,  N.  Y. 

Hon.  David  J.  O’Connell,  Representative,  Congress,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Very  Rev.  Edward  C.  O’Reilly,  representing  Catholic  clergy  of  diocese  of  La 
Crosse,  Baraboo,  Wis. 

P.  J.  McGarvey,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hugh  McCaffrey,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Bernard  J.  Rocks,  Newcastle,  Pa. 

P.  T.  McCourt,  committeeman,  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  Akron,  Ohio. 

T.  A.  Clancy,  Hartford  delegate,  Hartford,  Conn. 

Patrick  J.  Lynch,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 

Margaret  T.  Mulvaney,  State  secretary  Ladies’  Auxiliary  Ancient  Order  of 
Hibernians,  Providence,  R.  I. 

M.  E.  Smith,  treasurer,  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  St.  Louis. 

Robert  Emmett  O’Malley,  delegate,  Michael  Davitt  branch,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 
P.  J.  Ryan,  member  of  executive  council,  Washington,  D.  C. 

M.  O’Neil,  president,  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  Akron,  Ohio. 

James  A.  Kelly,  Danville,  N.  Y. 

Katherine  Hughes,  secretary,  Irish  national  bureau,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Joseph  T.  Brennan,  secretary  Federation  of  Catholic  Societies,  Boston,  Mass. 
John  R.  Ilaverty,  director  John  McBride  branch,  Lawrence,  Mass. 

Timothy  P.  Donohue,  treasurer,  John  McBride  branch,  Lawrence,  Mass. 

Rev.  Walter  P.  Gough,  director  of  Columbus,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Margaret  L.  Brosnahan,  district  president  Ladies’  Auxiliary,  Ancient  Order  of 
Hibernians,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Margaret  Buckley,  district  treasurer  Ladies’  Auxiliary,  Ancient  Order  of 
Hibernians. 

Thomas  J.  Blewett,  representing  Thomas  Francis  Magher  branch,  Bridge¬ 
port,  Conn. 

H.  B.  Cassidy,  Syracuse,  N  .Y. 

Edward  Ryan,  president  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  Syracuse  branch  Syra¬ 
cuse,  N.  Y. 

John  B.  London,  secretary  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

E.  J.  Devine,  delegate  Norfolk  branch,  Norfolk,  Ya. 

James  O’Neill,  president  John  McBride  branch,  Lawrence,  Mass. 

Rev.  Joseph  Byrne,  D.  D.,  president  St.  Mary’s  College,  Darien,  Conn. 
Matthew  Donovan,  District  Council  40,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

James  O.  Reilly,  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernian  delegate,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Llenry  J.  Phillips,  secretary  Robert  Emmet  branch,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Patrick  King,  Young  Men’s  Union,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Joseph  P.  O’Neill,  Federation  of  Irish  County  Societies,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
O’Neill  Ryan,  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  former  justice  supreme  court. 

Michael  ILeffernan,  Chester,  Pa.,  Thomas  Clarke  branch,  Friends  of  Irish 
Freedom. 

William  J.  Hurley,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  secretary  Maj.  John  McBride  branch, 
Friends  of  Irish  Freedom. 

John  J.  Buckley,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  president  Roger  Casement  branch,  New 
York  City. 

P.  J.  Ivilduff,  Hoboken,  N.  J.,  State  organizer. 

Dr.  T.  C.  McNamara,  Hoboken,  N.  J.,  State  organizer,  Friends  of  Irish  Free¬ 
dom. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY.  767 

Thomas  O’Brien,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  president  St.  Columcille  branch,  Friends 
of  Irish  Freedom. 

Rev.  William  T.  McLaughlin,  Jersey  City,  N.  J.,  State  president,  Friends  of 
Irish  Freedom. 

Michael  J.  O’Connor,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  Innisfail  branch,  Friends  of  Irish 
Freedom. 

Thomas  J.  Maloney,  Jersey  City,  N.  J.,  president  P.  Lorillard  Co. 

Kate  M.  Kelly,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  Irish  Women’s  Council. 

John  Regan,  New  Bedford,  Mass.,  president  Thmas  Clarke  branch. 

Rodger  Power  O’Neill,  M.  D.,  New  York  City,  N.  Y.,  National  committee. 

Thomas  McNamara,  jr.,  Youngstown,  Ohio,  chairman  Ohio  committee. 

Shaemas  O’Sheel,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  William  Pearse  branch,  Friends  of  Irish 
Freedom  and  William  Rooney  Society. 

Thomas  F.  J.  Connolly,  Port  Chester,  N.  Y.,  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  Port 
Chester  and  Rye,  N.  Y. 

Roderick  J.  Kennedy,  New  York  City,  N.  Y.,  confidential  attendant  Supreme 
Court,  State  of  New  York. 

W.  E.  Hogan,  Bridgeport,  Conn.,  vice  president  of  De  Valera  branch,  Bridge¬ 
port,  Conn. 

John  O’Dea,  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  national  secretary  Ancient  Order  of  Hi¬ 
bernians. 

John  J.  O’Neill,  Bridgeport,  Conn.,  president  T.  F.  Meagher  branch,  Friends 
of  Irish  Freedom. 

Attorney  Thomas  D.  Shea,  Nanticoke,  Pa.,  local  council,  Luzerne  County ; 
headquarters,  Wilkes-Barre,  Pa.  Secretary,  Matthew  O’Connor  Ford;  vice 
president,  T.  R.  Callam ;  treasurer,  R.  R.  Fitzpatrick;  trustees,  P.  J.  Calligan, 
J.  V.  Moylan,  C.  A.  Judge,  M.  D. 

John  Stratton  O’Leary,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  member  of  grievance  committee, 
Bronx  Builders’  Protective  Association. 

Cornelius  F.  Murphy,  Shelton,  Conn.,  president  of  P.  LI.  Pearse  branch. 
Friends  of  Irish  Freedom. 

Rodger  Power  O’Neill,  M.  D.,  New  York  City,  N.  Y.,  member  national  com¬ 
mittee. 

James  D.  O’Neil,  Jenkintown,  Pa.,  organizer. 

Thomas  McCourt,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  Con  Colbert  branch,  Friends  of  Irish 
Freedom,  Sunburst  Club. 

Frank  Plague,  Jersey  City,  N.  J.,  member  Jersey  City  branch. 

Charles  F.  H.  O’Brien,  Jersey  City,  N.  J.,  member  Jersey  City  branch. 

Eugene  F.  Kincaid,  Jersey  City,  N.  J.,  former  Member  of  Congress. 

Thomas  Shea,  Nanticoke,  Pa. 

Michael  J.  Enright,  Chester,  Pa.,  Thomas  Clarke  branch,  Friends  of  Irish 
Freedom. 

James  B.  Mulherin,  Augusta,  Ga.,  delegate  John  F.  Armstrong  branch. 
Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  Augusta,  Ga. 

Margaret  Bowles,  New  York  City,  N.  Y.,  Bishop  D.  Dwyer  branch,  Friends 
of  Irish  Freedom. 

Peter  J.  Fleming,  M.  D.,  Boston,  Mass.,  medical  committee. 

Daniel  Foley,  Winthrop,  Mass.,  professor  of  economics,  Trade  Union  Col¬ 
lege,  Boston,  Mass. 

John  Morton,  Dorchester,  Mass.,  advisory  committee  chairman,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rev.  Edward  S.  Brock,  S.  J.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Joseph  J.  Hall,  Naugatuck,  Conn.,  assistant  purchasing  agent  of  Rubber  Re¬ 
generating  Co. 

James  O’Sullivan,  Lowell,  Mass.,  treasurer  of  two  important  corporations. 

Jeremiah  Flahavan,  Ansonia,  Conn.,  president  of  James  Connelly  Club, 
Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  Ansonia. 

Francis  B.  McKinney,  Boston,  Mass.,  lecturer  Joseph  Plunkett  branch. 
Friends  of  Irish  Freedom. 

John  G.  Fitzgerald,  Ansonia,  Conn.,  vice  president. 

Michael  B.  McGreal,  New  Plaven,  Conn.,  City  Board  Ancient  Order  of  Hi¬ 
bernians,  New  Haven,  five  divisions,  three  auxiliaries;  Division  No.  7,  Ancient 
Order  of  Hibernians ;  Sarsfield  G.  A.  Club,  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  New 
Haven,  Conn. 

Matthew  Cummings,  Boston,  Mass.,  president  Boston  Council,  Friends  of 
Irish  Freedom. 

John  H.  H.  McNamee,  Boston,  Mass.,  banker  and  manufacturer. 

Hon.  Edward  W.  Quinn,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  mayor  of  Cambridge. 


768 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


Richard  Dwyer,  national  vice  president  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians,  South 
Boston,  Mass. 

Paul  P.  Spain,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  treasurer  bench  and  bar  committee, 
Boston,  Mass. 

James  A.  Dorsey,  Boston,  Mass.,  chairman  finance  committee,  bench  and  bar 
committee,  Boston. 

Michael  L.  Fahey,  Boston,  Mass.,  secretary  committee  bench  and  bar. 

Daniel  H.  Coakley,  Boston,  Mass.,  chairman  committee  bench  and  bar. 

Joseph  C.  Pelletin,  Boston,  Mass.,  bench  and  bar  committee. 

Edw.  F.  McSweeney,  Framingham,  Mass.,  member  national  council,  member 
advisory  committee,  Boston. 

John  J.  McDonagh,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  delegate  from  the  Archbishop  Plunkett 
branch,  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom. 

H.  Miller,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  Archbishop  Plunkett  branch,  Friends  of  Irish 
Freedom. 

James  E.  Deery,  Indianapolis,  Ind.,  national  president  Ancient  Order  of 
Hibernians. 

E.  F.  White,  Chester,  Pa. 

Rossa  F.  Downing,  Washington,  D..  C.,  Washington  branch,  Friends  of 
Irish  Freedom. 

Wm.  J.  Boyle,  Central  Labor  Union  of  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

N.  J.  Sinnott,  Member  of  Congress  from  Oregon. 

Daniel  J.  Moran,  Lynn,  Mass.,  recording  secretary  and  director  of  publicity. 

'Mrs.)  Honor  Walsh,  Germantown,  Pa.,  editorial  staff,  the  Standard  and 
Guild. 

Robert  E.  Ford,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  editor  Irish  World. 

Patrick  King,  Catholic  Young  Men’s  Union,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Patrick  Fitzgerald,  United  Irish  Societies  of  Western  Pennsylvania. 

Patrick  Cronin,  Duquesne  University. 

Thomas  Lee,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

William  J.  Noonan,  37  Raleigh  Avenue,  Richmond  borough.  City  of  New  York. 

Thomas  Rock,  Central  Federated  Union,  New  York  City. 

Louis  D.  Ivavanagh,  president  of  Irish  Self-Determination  Club,  Omaha. 

James  O.  Reilly,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Joseph  McGarrity,  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  chairman  Irish  Volunteer  Committee. 

John  J.  Liddy,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 

William  H.  Foley,  Indianapolis,  Ind. 

P.  J.  Conway,  president  Irish-American  Athletic  Club,  New  York  City. 

John  H.  Dooley,  535  Wrest  One  hundred  and  twenty-first  Street,  New  York, 
N.  Y. ;  representative  position,  National  Executive  Committee,  New  York  City. 

Annie  Lester  Lyons,  delegate  Yorktown  branch,  F.  O.  I.  F.,  Norfolk,  Va. 

Lawrence  Craddock  Lawless,  delegate  Yorktown  branch  F.  O.  I.  F.,  Norfolk, 
Va. 

Margaret  Elward  Lawless,  delegate  Yorktown  branch  F.  O.  I.  F.,  Norfolk,  Va. 

James  C.  Gordon,  president  Yorktown  branch  F.  O.  I.  F.,  Norfolk,  Va. 

M.  J.  Lyons,  vice  president  Yorktown  branch  F.  O.  I.  F.,  United  States  deputy 
marshal’s  office,  Norfolk,  Va. 

Henry  McNally,  president  of  Patrick  Henry  branch,  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom, 
Girard,  Ohio. 

Thomas  F.  Martin,  secretary  of  state  of  New  Jersey. 

John  Mannix,  Glens  Falls,  N.  Y. 

Patrick  O’Hagerty,  Springfield,  Mass. 

Patrick  J.  Kennedy,  Glens  Falls,  N.  Y. 

Rev.  Joseph  O’Keefe,  Akron,  Ohio. 

J.  B.  Shannon,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 

Casinn  J.  Welch,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 

Martin  Owens,  Newark,  N.  J. 

Rev.  Thomas  J.  Hurton,  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  St.  Enda’s  Gaelic  School  and 
St.  Edna  branch  of  the  Gaelic  League. 

H.  J.  Phillips,  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  Robert  Emmet  branch,  Friends  of  Irish 
Freedom. 

J.  T.  Lawler*  Norfolk,  Va.,  member  national  committee,  Friends  of  Irish 
Freedom. 

Hugh  Montague,  Passaic,  N.  J.,  general  contractor. 

Roderick  J.  Kennedy,  clerk  Supreme  Court  State  of  New  York. 

D.  J.  Lawless,  Marcellus  Falls,  N.  Y. 

R.  E.  O’Malley,  Michael  Davitt  branch,  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom,  Kansas 
City.  Mo. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


7G9 


J.  D.  Turner,  Baltimore,  Md. 

W.  C.  Walsh,  Cumberland,  Mi 

Joseph  B.  Fitzgerald,  member  Wolfe  Tone  Club,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

Jerome  O'Keeffe,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

John  G.  McTigue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

It.  T.  B.  Kelly,  Gardner,  Mass. 

James  Tumulty,  646  Bergen  Avenue,  Jersey  City,  N.  J.,  president  of  Wolfe 
Tone  Club,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

P.  J.  O’Donnell,  Detroit,  Midi. 

D.  Lynch,  Utica,  N.  Y. 

Miss  Margaret  Bowers,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

John  B.  Burke,  Gary,  Ind. 

William  J.  Maloney,  Gary,  Ind. 

M.  C.  Ford,  Oklahoma  City,  Okla. 

Senator  Rrandegee.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  suggest  the  absence  of  a 
quorum.  I  would  like  the  record  to  state  the  names  of  those  present. 

The  Chairman.  The  clerk  will  call  the  roll. 

The  clerk  called  the  roll  and  the  following  members  answered  to 
their  names:  Senators  Lodge,  Eorah,  Branaegee,  Fall,  Knox,  Hard¬ 
ing,  Johnson,  New,  Moses,  Swanson,  and  Pittman. 

The  Chairman.  There  are  12  Senators  present,  a  quorum.  Judge 
Cohalan,  you  may  put  on  your  next  speaker. 

Senator  Borah.  Before  that  is  done,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  to 
make  a  suggestion  with  reference  to  the  gentlemen  who  are  still  to 
address  the  committee.  The  argument  has  been  made  by  the  ad¬ 
vocates  of  the  league  and  by  some  of  our  colleagues  that  under  the 
league  of  nations  Ireland  would  have  a  better  opportunity  or  a  better 
chance  of  having  her  affairs  settled  in  harmony  with  her  aspira¬ 
tions  than  without  it.  You  gentlemen  having  kept  close  tab,  un¬ 
doubtedly,  upon  the  debate  along  that  line  of  argument,  will  ap¬ 
preciate  what  I  say.  I  would  like  to  have  some  one  address  his  at¬ 
tention  to  that  feature  of  the  question. 

Judge  ConALAN.  That  will  be  done  during  the  course  of  the  hear¬ 
ing.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  to  put  in  the  record  a  memorial,  with 
certain  figures. 

The  Chairman.  The}7  will  be  printed,  and  as  our  time  is  limited, 
we  will  not  take  the  time  to  read  them  now. 

Judge  Cohalan.  Very  well.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  also  going  to 
file  Ireland’s  declaration  of  independence  along  with  other  o facial 
documents,  and  some  extension  of  my  remarks. 

(The  extension  of  Judge  Cohalan’s  remarks  and  the  declaration 
of  independence  referred  to  are  here  printed  in  full,  as  follows:) 

The  great  trouble  with  the  mass  of  the  people  of  America  on  the  question  of 
Ireland  Is  their  viewpoint  on  the  Irish  question.  Without  intending  to  be 
unfair,  they  take  for  granted  the  justice  of  the  English  view.  They  find  Eng¬ 
land,  largely  the  mistress  of  the  world  and  in  many  ways  admitted  to  be  the 
leader  of  modern  civilization,  in  possession  of  Ireland. 

They  find,  according  to  histories  mainly  written  by  England’s  friends,  that 
she  has  been  thus  in  Ireland  for  centuries,  and  they  take  it  for  granted  that  she 
must  be  there  legally;  that  she  is  there  as  a  matter  of  right.  They  take  for 
granted,  too,  that  in  the  evolution  of  civilization,  in  the  making  of. history,  that 
conditions  required  her  to  be  there,  and  that  England’s  claim  to  the  overlord- 
ship  in  Ireland  is  a  valid  and  just  claim. 

This  view  is  strengthened  by  all  the  literature  which  most  Americans  ever 
read.  The  so-called  English  literature  with  which  Americans  come  in  contact 
usually  rates  England  as  the  one  great  power  which,  through  the  centuries 
past,  has  been  carrying  aloft  the  torch  of  justice  and  progress  into  the  dark 
corners  of  the  world.  So,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  many  Americans  are 
prone  to  think  of  England  as  the  guiding  star  of  civilization,  educating  and 


770 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


lifting  up  downtrodden,  suffering  people  that  have  been  tyrannized  over  by  their 
national  tyrants. 

This  is  the  view  of  England  that  Englishmen  like  to  have  the  world  take 
of  their  country.  Because  of  this  viewpoint,  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  get 
before  the  American  jury— fair  as  it  intends  to  be — the  actual  facts  of  history, 
not  to  speak  of  the  present-day  conditions  as  they  exist  in  Ireland. 

THE  DOMINATING  FIGURES  IN  ENGLAND. 

The  ordinary  American,  accustomed  to  giving  almost  all  of  his  time  to  a 
study  of  the  internal  conditions  of  his  own  country,  so  far  as  his  interests 
leads  him  on,  has  not  learned  to  differentiate  between  the  England  which  is 
and  the  England  that,  according  to  her  writers  and  poets,  seems  to  be. 

He  has  not  come  to  understand  that  the  English  democracy  of  which  he 
hears  and  reads  so  much  has  little  reality  in  fact,  and  that  England  still  con¬ 
tinues  to  be  governed  by  a  handful  of  men,  representing,  with  but  few  excep¬ 
tions,  the  same  small  group  of  titled  land-controlling  families  that  have  gov¬ 
erned  England  since  the  days  of  Henry  XIII,  if  not,  in  fact,  much  longer.  Since 
the  downfall  of  continental  aristocracies  this  is  true  of  England  more  than  of 
any  other  country. 

The  dominating  figures  in  England  to-day — those  in  actual  power — are  the 
Cecils  and  their  relations.  Lloyd-George  or  some  other  figure  that  has  come  to 
represent  democracy  or  radicalism,  if  you  will,  in  the  eyes  of  the  wrorld,  is  put 
forward  as  the  premier  of  governing  authority.  But  the  will  that  dominates, 
controls,  and  finally  directs  the  policies  and  actions  of  England  is  that  of  the 
master  spirit  Cecil,  no  matter  which  member  of  that  family  or  its  connections 
it  may  happen  to  be. 

In  the  last  generation  it  was  the  Marquis  of  Salisbury,  former  premier 
of  England,  the  man  who  said,  some  forty  years  ago,  that  England  and  America 
were  natural  rivals  in  every  court  and  in  every  port ;  the  man  who  more  than 
any  other — with  the  exception  of  Joseph  Chamberlain,  the  great  radical  who 
ratted  and  joined  the  forces  of  conservation — was  responsible  for  the  destruc¬ 
tion  of  the  two  little  Republics  in  South  Africa. 

It  was  this  same  Salisbury  who  said,  in  the  days  when  the  Irish  were  car¬ 
rying  everything  before  them  in  the  Parliamentary  fights  in  the  House  of  Com¬ 
mons,  that  the  Irish  were  no  better  than  the  Hottentots  and  should  receive  the 
same  treatment.  It  was  the  same  man  who  represented  England  in  the  Con¬ 
gress  of  Berlin  and  of  whom  Bismarck  said — because  he  quit  when  opposed 
by  superior  force — that  he  reminded  him  of  a  lath,  painted  to  look  like  iron. 

Salisbury  was  aided  and  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew,  Arthur  James  Bal¬ 
four,  who  became  Premier  of  England,  first  Lord  of  the  Admiralty,  and  a  num¬ 
ber  of  other  high-sounding  things,  but  who  has  never  been  able  to  wipe  out  the 
title  of  “  Bloody  Balfour  ”  conferred  upon  him  by  the  people  of  Ireland  when  he 
was  chief  secretary  for  Ireland,  and,  among  other  things,  ordered  the  shoot¬ 
ing,  if  necessary,  by  the  troops,  in  cold  blood,  of  the  defenseless,  unarmed  people 
of  Mitchelstown. 

Balfour  is  still  to  the  fore  and  is  probably  the  chief  governing  force  In  Eng¬ 
land  to-day,  except  in  so  far  as  he  is  displaced  by  his  cousin,  Lord  Robert  Cecil, 
son  of  the  Marquis  of  Salisbury  and  father  of  the  proposed  League  of  Nations— 
which  wTould,  if  it  became  effective,  undo  the  wrork  of  the  revolution  and  put 
us  in  the  position  of  again  being  a  vassal  state  of  England,  subject  to  the  con¬ 
trol  of  the  Cecils  or  any  other  landed  aristocracy  that  might,  in  the  future,  con¬ 
trol  the  destines  of  England  and  the  world. 

These  are  types  of  the  men  who  dominate  England,  and,  through  her,  con¬ 
trol  the  British  Empire.  The  little  King  George  V,  first  cousin  to  the  late 
Emperor  of  the  Germans  and  the  Czar  of  the  Russians,  at  present  represents  the 
German  royal  family  as  King  of  England  and  Emperor  of  India. 

He  rules  over  every  third  person  on  earth  and  over  almost  every  third  square 
mile  of  land  on  earth.  He  is  actually  master  of  all  the  seas  and  is  at  the  head 
of  a  government  more  powerful  than  any  which  ever  before  existed  in  all  the 
history  of  mankind. 

Englishmen  like  to  say  that  King  George  reigns  but  does  not  rule.  That  is 
true.  The  real  ruling  force  is  that  handful  of  aristocrats  who  represent  the 
landed  feudal  aristocracy  of  England  and  who  form  the  most  absolute,  most 
arbitrary  and  most  powerful  autocracy  the  world  has  ever  seen. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


771 


ENGLAND  MAKES  OTHER  NATIONS  SUPPLY  THE  SOLDIERS. 

The  history  of  England  differs  from  that  of  every  other  country.  No  other 
country  before  her  has  reached  her  dominant  place  among  the  empires  of  the 
earth.  Home  approached  nearer  to  England  than  did  any  other  country  in 
similarity  of  methods  by  which  she  acquired  world  control.  Her  imperial 
motto,  “  Divide  et  Impera,”  marked  the  policy  by  which  she  subdued  almost 
the  entire  world  of  her  day  and  ruled  the  known  world  without  a  rival  for 
centuries. 

But  Rome  acquired  most  of  her  power  through  her  own  soldiers.  The  gen¬ 
erals  who  led  her  armies  to  victory  were  of  Roman  blood ;  the  soldiers  who 
swept  everything  before  them  on  the  Held  of  battle  were  Roman  legions,  who 
found  few  who  could  stand  before  them.  They  risked  their  own  lives,  their  own 
blood,  for  the  quarrels  of  their  country,  in  order  that  her  will  might  be  imposed 
upon  other  countries. 

England  has  improved  on  all  this.  She  follows  the  Roman  motto,  but  be¬ 
cause  England  leaves  the  control  of  the  policy  of  her  government  in  the  hands 
of  her  diplomats,  other  nations,  other  races,  are  made  to  supply  the  generals 
who  win  the  battles,  and  the  soldiers  who  bleed,  in  order  that  England  may 
grow  great. 


ENGLAND’S  POLICY  TAKES  ADVANTAGE  OF  FRIEND  AND  FOE. 

The  policy  which  had  its  beginning  under  Henry  the  Eighth  has  been  con¬ 
sistently  carried  forward,  subordinating  every  other  interest  to  that  of  the 
growth  of  England  and  the  extension  of  her  power.  It  has  been  carried  on 
through  all  the  ages  by  every  government  which  comes  into  power  in  England, 
no  matter  what  its  domestic  policy  may  have  been. 

Englishmen  may  differ  upon  domestic  problems — upon  questions  of  taxation, 
of  education,  of  religion — but  as  against  all  foreigners  they  are  a  unit  and  their 
policy  is  always  consistently  to  take  advantage  of  all  openings  given  them 
throughout  the  world,  to  make  and  unmake  alliances,  to  make  and  break 
treaties,  to  take  advantage  of  friend  and  foe  in  order  to  add  to  the  wealth 
and  power  of  England  and  to  break  down  those  who  have  stood  against  her. 

One  of  the  results  of  this  policy  is  seen  to-day  in  the  proud  boast  of  England 
that  the  sun  never  sets  on  the  British  Empire.  Her  flag  flies  in  triumph  over 
territory  in  every  continent  and  in  most  of  the  important  islands  of  the  seas. 
It  is  carried  aloft  as  the  flag  controlling  the  power  of  every  sea  of  the  world. 

Her  forts  guard  practically  all  the  great  narrow  waterways  of  the  earth, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Panama  Canal.  Yet  here,  by  reason  of  her  extraordi¬ 
nary  influence  over  American  legislation,  England  has  acquired  for  her  com¬ 
merce  all  the  rights  and  privileges  enjoyed  by  American  commerce,  although 
the  Panama  Canal  belongs  to  us,  was  built  by  America  and  paid  for  by  Amer¬ 
ica’s  treasures. 


MOLDING  PUBLIC  OPINION  OF  THE  WORLD. 

Another  and,  if  possible,  more  important  result  of  this  policy  of  England  is 
the  extraordinary  control  she  has  gained  over  public  opinion  in  every  country 
in  the  world.  Her  soldiers  have  won  battles  for  her  on  land,  her  admirals 
have  won  fights  at  sea,  but  these  are  as  nothing  when  compared  to  the  triumph 
of  her  diplomats.  No  group  of  men  in  the  history  of  the  world  can  compare  in 
skill,  in  adroitness,  in  finesse,  in  influence,  with  the  diplomats  of  England. 

The  visible  British  Empire  is  an  external  monument  of  their  triumph,  but  the 
invisible  British  Empire,  with  its  control  of  influences  in  every  government 
on  earth,  its  thousand  and  one  ways  of  making  opinion  through  the  press, 
the  magaznes,  the  pulpits,  the  schools,  of  every  race  and  in  every  clime,  is  a 
vaster,  more  far-reaching  monument  of  their  finesse,  their  adroitness,  their 
ability  to  make  black  seem  white. 

The  Romans  were  satisfied  with  their  triumph  at  arms.  When  their  soldiers 
had  beaten  down  those  of  the  opponent,  the  generals  and  princes  of  the  van¬ 
quished  were  brought  to  Rome  and  made  to  walk  sub  jugo  through  the  streets, 
chained  to  the  wheels  of  the  chariot  of  the  Roman  Consul. 

The  English  diplomat,  more  skilled  in  human  nature,  more  subtle,  more  far- 
reaching  in  his  plans,  is  not  satisfied  with  such  outward  marks  of  triumph. 
He  carries  on  a  campaign  throughout  the  world,  to  justify  his  actions,  and, 
if  possible,  to  ease  his  own  conscience.  As  an  example: 


135549°— 19 - 2 


772 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


ENGLAND  ATTEMPTS  TO  DESTROY  THE  SOUL  OF  IRELAND. 

Even  though  England  by  brute  force  has  been  In  possession  of  the  body  of 
Ireland  for  centuries,  the  English  diplomat  continues  his  fight  to  destroy  the 
soul  of  Ireland.  Even  though  he  has  proclaimed,  at  the  birth  of  each  succeed¬ 
ing  generation,  that  he  has  again  conquered  Ireland,  he  still  keeps  looking  in 
vain  for  a  declaration  from  the  people  of  Ireland  that  they  have  been  conquered. 

He  tells  himself  that  he  has  beaten  the  Irish  because  of  the  thousand  and 
one  cruelties  he  has  practiced  upon  them,  but  he  knows  in  his  heart  that  he 
can  not  conquer  the  Irish  people  while  one  man  and  one  woman  of  Irish  blood 
survive. 

He  knows — if  the  world  floes  not  know — that  the  people  of  Ireland  want 
absolute  independence.  He  has  been  able  with  a  thousand  subterfuges  to  con¬ 
fuse  the  thought  of  the  world  on  the  question  of  what  Ireland  wants,  but  he 
can  not  deceive  himself. 

The  Balfours  and  Cecils  of  this  generation  know,  as  well  as  Burleigh,  their 
relative,  in  the  days  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  knew,  that  what  Ireland  wants 
Is  to  have  England  get  out  of  Ireland,  bag  and  baggage,  and  leave  the  people 
of  Ireland  to  govern  their  own  country  in  their  own  way. 

IRELAND  IS  UNITED  FOR  ABSOLUTE  INDEPENDENCE. 

In  the  last  analysis,  the  question  between  England  and  Ireland  is  simplicity 
itself.  There  are  two  nations,  each  of  which  wishes  to  rale,  govern,  own  Ire¬ 
land.  One  Is  the  Irish  nation,  to  whom  Ireland  belongs,  for  whom  it  was  set 
apart  by  God  Almighty  Himself  from  all  the  rest  of  the  world. 

The  Irish  people  have  dwelt  in  Ireland  for  thousands  of  years,  distinct  and 
separate  in  a  hundred  ways  from  ail  other  peoples,  set  apart  in  nature,  in 
thought,  in  language,  in  custom  from  the  rest  of  the  world,  marked  by  the  hand 
of  God  with  an  individuality  all  their  own. 

The  Irish  people  have  their  own  strength,  their  own  virtues,  their  own  gifts, 
their  own  weaknesses,  but  differ  from  and  are  different  to  any  and  all  other 
races  of  men.  The  Irish  people  have  absorbed  all  other  strains  of  blood  that 
have  gone  into  the  strange  country  of  Ireland  so  as  to  have  made  strangers 
who  have  gone  there,  after  a  few  generations,  an  integral  part  of  themselves, 
or,  as  an  old  writer  phrased  it,  “  more  Irish  than  the  Irish  themselves.” 

The  other  nation  that  wishes  to  own,  govern,  and  rule  Ireland  is  the  English 
nation,  belonging  to  England  but  foreign  to  Ireland.  A  nation  of  great  gifts, 
great  failings;  a  nation  that  may  yet,  in  the  providence  of  God,  reach  the  point 
where  it  can  be  made  to  see  that  it  will  be  greater  to  conquer  themselves  than 
to  conquer  a  city  or  a  world ;  greater  to  bring  peace,  contentment,  and  oppor¬ 
tunity  for  decent  living,  not  to  some  portion  of  itself  but  to  all  its  people,  so 
that  it  may  not  be  said  in  the  future,  as  it  was  said  in  the  past,  in  a  recent 
report  of  n  British  commission,  that  one-third  of  the  people  of  England  did 
not  have  a  week  between  themselves  and  starvation. 

IRELAND  ONLY  WANTS  WHAT  BELONGS  TO  HER. 

If  the  question  between  Ireland  and  England  were  between  two  individuals, 
no  jury  sitting  in  any  part  of  America  would  have  any  difficulty  in  disposing 
of  the  matter.  Ireland  does  not  ask  anything  of  England  except  to  be  let  alone. 
She  wants  only  what  belongs  to  her.  She  wants  only  that  which  was  her  own. 
She  wants  to  govern  herself  and  her  own  people  in  her  own  way,  according  to 
her  own  standards,  and  with  absolute  religious  freedom  and  political  equality 
for  all  of  her  children. 

Ireland  does  not  ask  one  Inch  of  territory  that  Is  not  contained  within 
the  four  seas  of  Ireland.  She  does  not  ask  to  impose  her  will  upon  a  single 
person  who  dwells  beyond  her  shores.  She  appeals  to  the  free  people  of  the 
earth  for  the  opportunity  to  go  her  own  way,  in  peace  and  harmony  with  all 
the  rest  of  mankind.  She  offers  not  alone  to  forgive,  but  so  far  as  she  can, 
even  to  forget  past  dealings  with  England  and  to  dwell  in  peace  and  amity  and 
concord  with  England  as  a  neighbor. 

But  she  refuses,  as  she  has  refused  for  750  years,  to  permit  the  stranger — 
England — to  govern  her,  to  control  her  resources,  to  shut  her  off  from  contact 
with  the  other  nations  of  the  earth,  to  keep  her  out  of  her  high  place  among  the 
nations.  She  says,  with  the  voice  of  a  united  people — not  in  a  quarrelsome 
way,  but  in  the  quiet  voice  of  reasoned  judgment — that  as  she  has  fought  for 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


773 


750  years  for  her  Independence,  so  she  is  prepared  to  fight,  if  necessary,  as 
long  again  In  order  to  attain  that  independence,  and  to  resume  her  place  among 
the  independent  nations. 

Her  sons  say  for  her,  quite  calmly,  with  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  though 
scattered  all  over  the  world,  they  yet  remain  a  great  race,  that  England  with  all 
her  power,  with  all  her  subtlety,  with  all  her  barbarity,  can  not  destroy  them 
or  wipe  them  out.  That  the  fight  which  England  waged  through  so  many  cen¬ 
turies  can  only  end  when  England  shall  withdraw  her  last  soldier  from  Ireland 
and  leave  that  country,  which  she  has  been  robbing  for  centuries,  to  govern  and 
rule  herself. 

The  diplomat  of  England  has  succeeded  in  many  parts  of  the  world  as  has  no 
other  diplomat  in  the  history  of  mankind,  but  he  has  failed  in  Ireland  as 
absolutely  and  completely  as  any  diplomat  has  failed  in  other  parts  of  the 
world. 

It  may  be  said  without  exaggeration  that  England  has  tried  for  centuries 
every  form  of  tyranny,  of  cruelty,  of  inhumanity  in  her  treatment  of  the  people 
of  Ireland.  Her  chief  spokesman,  Lloyd-George,  admitted  in  the  House  of 
Commons  last  year  that  England  had  made  an  absolute  failure  of  her  govern¬ 
ment  of  Ireland,  and  that  to-day  she  was  as  unpopular  with  the  mass  of  the 
people  of  Ireland  as  she  was  in  the  days  of  Oliver  Cromwell. 

BELGIAN  ATROCITIES  DUPLICATED  A  HUNDRED-FOLD  IN  IRELAND. 

0 

In  the  early  stages  of  the  late  Great  War,  the  world  was  made  familiar 
with  the  story  of  the  treatment  the  Belgians  received  in  their  own  country  at  the 
hands  of  the  invaders.  It  was  but  the  recital  and  summary  of  England’s  treat¬ 
ment  of  Ireland.  Not  an  atrocity  was  charged  against  the  Germans  in  Belgium, 
not  a  cruelty  was  practiced,  not  a  crime  committed,  which  could  not  be  dupli¬ 
cated  one  hundred-fold  in  England’s  treatment  of  Ireland. 

Proof  of  this  fact  need  only  be  taken  from  the  admissions  of  English  his¬ 
torians;  from  the  declarations  of  English  statesmen — the  only  difference  be¬ 
tween  Belgium  and  Ireland  being  that  the  atrocities  in  Belgium  extended  over 
a  period  of  three  or  four  years,  while  the  atrocities  of  England  in  Ireland 
have  extended  over  the  centuries. 

Belgium  to-day,  with  a  chorus  of  thanksgiving  from  all. over  the  world,  has 
resumed  her  place  among  the  free  nations  of  the  earth  and  is  to  be  indemnified 
in  so  far  as  money  can  indemnify  a  suffering  country  for  losses  sustained. 

Ireland  to-day,  after  seven  and  a  half  centuries  of  greater  suffering  still  lies 
prostrate  at  the  feet  of  England,  while  English  statesmen,  with  a  smug  hypocrisy 
all  their  own,  dilate  with  well-stimulated  astonishment  on  the  dreadful  fact 
that  England  can  not  leave  Ireland  to  be  governed  by  Irishmen,  because,  for¬ 
sooth,  the  Irish  can  not  agree  politically  among  themselves. 

NO  SUCH  POLITICAL  UNANIMITY  EXISTS  ELSEWHERE  IN  THE  WORLD. 

The  fact  is,  however,  that  there  is  in  Ireland  to-day  a  degree  of  political 
unanimity  greater  than  exists  in' any  other  country  on  earth — very  much 
greater  than  that  which  exists  in  England,  where  Lloyd-George  and  his  con¬ 
freres  are  kept  in  power  through  a  political  coalition  between  eight  different 
groups,  and  much  greater  than  exists  In  our  own  country. 

Ireland  is  the  only  country  in  the  world  in  which  a  plebiscite  has  been  taken 
since  the  armistice  was  declared  last  November.  The  result  of  that  plebiscite 
was  that  the  people  of  Ireland,  by  a  vote  of  more  than  three  to  one,  declared  in 
favor  of  absolute  separation  from  England  and  in  favor  of  the  establishment  of 
an  Irish  republic. 

This  was  on  the  14th  of  last  December.  On  the  21st  day  of  January  of  this 
year  the  elected  representatives  of  the  people  of  Ireland  met  in  convention  at 
the  Mansion  House  in  the  city  of  Dublin,  declared  the  existence  of  the  Irish 
republic,  and  made  an  appeal  to  the  free  peoples  of  the  earth  for  its  interna¬ 
tional  recognition. 

In  furtherance  of  that  appeal,  Eamon  de  Valera,  president  of  the  Irish  repub¬ 
lic,  and  several  members  of  the  Dail  Eireann  (Irish  congress)  are  now  in  this 
country.  They  seek  to  lay  before  the  people  of  America  actual  conditions  as 
they  exist  in  Ireland  to-day.  They  ask  a  hearing  in  order  that  America  may 
understand  that  what  the  people  of  Ireland  are  asking  is  full  recognition  of 
their  status  as  a  free  and  independent  people. 


774 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


They  seek  not  some  redress  of  grievances,  large  or  small,  but  they  demand 
that  England  take  her  grip  off  Ireland  and  leave  the  country  to  be  governed  by 
its  own  people  in  its  own  way.  The  opinion  of  America  has  been  aroused  within 
the  last  year  as  it  never  has  been  before  in  favor  of  Ireland. 

ENGLAND  AIMS  TO  CONFUSE  THE  ISSUE. 

But  the  English  diplomats  with  their  accustomed  skill  are  seeking  to  confuse 
the  issue,  to  prevent  our  people  from  getting  a  clear  understanding  of  what  is 
at  stake  between  Ireland  and  England. 

It  is  their  task,  their  duty  at  this  time,  not  to  simplify  but  to  complicate 
the  issue;  not  to  clarify,  but  to  confuse  the  situation.  Because  of  that,  there 
appear  in  a  hundred  forms,  a  hundred  suggestions  from  England  as  to  a  way 
.  out  of  the  difficulty. 

One  group  talks  of  Dominion  home  rule,  while  others  talk  of  a  dozen  varie¬ 
ties  of  the  same  form.  Carson  talks  of  having  conditions  reihain  as  they  are, 
while  Smuts — the  “  slim  ”  South  African  who  believes  all  peoples  should  con¬ 
tinue  to  be  swallowed  up  by  the  British  Empire — comes  forward  with  that 
latest  suggestion  that  Ireland  should  receive  the  same  recognition  as  that  given 
to  Bohemia. 

But  all  ask  for  Ireland  something  which  England  wants — none  offers  to  Ire¬ 
land  that  which  Ireland  demands ;  because  at  bottom— let  them  explain  as 
they  may — in  any  one  of  the  hundred  devious  devices  English  statesmen  and 
historians  have  used  in  attempting  to  explain  it — the  fact  is  that  England  re¬ 
mains  in  Ireland  for  England’s  profit,  security,  and  power,  and  does  not  intend 
to  get  out  of  Ireland  until  she  is  persuaded,  either  by  force  or  by  the  prospect 
of  greater  profit  in  some  other  form,  that  it  is  to  her  interest  to  do  so. 

England  says  she  remains  in  Ireland  only  for  two  reasons:  First,  because 
Irishmen  can  not  agree  politically,  and,  second,  because  Ireland  can  not  finan¬ 
cially  stand  alone.  Neither  statement  has  the  slightest  foundtion  in  fact. 

PLEBISCITE  TAKEN  IN  DECEMBER  EEFUTES  FIRST  CLAIM. 

The  plebiscite  taken  in  Ireland  last  December,  under  the  most  adverse  con¬ 
ditions,  shows  that  the  people  of  Ireland  have  reached  a  degree  of  political 
unanimity  practically  without  parallel.  With  the  great  English  army  of  occu¬ 
pation  and  with  all  the  machinery  of  the  Government  in  possession  of  the  Eng¬ 
lish  garrison,  the  people  of  Ireland,  by  a  vote  of  more  than  3  to  1,  decided  in 
favor  of  total  separation  of  Ireland  from  England. 

According  to  the  standard  American  histories,  Yffishington  and  his  associates 
wrere  never  able  to  rally  to  their  support  more  than  a  majority  of  the  colonists, 
if,  in  truth,  they  ever  had  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  colonists  on  their  side. 

Even  in  the  so-called  convention  presided  over  by  Sir  Horace  Plunkett 
and  hand  picked  by  Lloyd  George,  there  was  a  majority  of  40  to  29  in  favor 
of  the  proposed  plan  then  given,  which  wrould  have  gone  beyond  the  scheme 
of  so-called  settlement  now  proposed  by  many  responsible  spokesmen  for  Eng¬ 
land.  This  is  the  more  remarkable  when  it  is  considered  that  a  large  number 
of  the  members  of  that  body  w^ere  selected  by  Lloyd  George  and  his  associates 
for  the  express  purpose  of  having  them  fail  to  agree  to  any  settlement. 

If  the  situation  w^ere  not  one  of  so  much  importance  it  v-ould  be  farcical  to 
hear  Lloyd  George  talk  about  the  failure  of  the  Irish  to  agree,  when  he  himself 
remains  in  power  in  England,  through  a  coalition  made  up  of  eight  different 
groups,  and  was  the  direct  cause  of  the  so-called  failure  to  which  he  refers. 

ENGLAND  REMAINS  IN  IRELAND  FOR  HER  OWN  FINANCIAL  GAIN. 

England  dares  not  to  say  that  she  remains  in  Ireland,  because  Ireland  can 
not  financially  stand  alone.  This,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  last  year  England 
made  at  least  $225,000,000  from'  her  control  of  Ireland.  She  collected  from 
Ireland  and  on  Irish  goods,  during  the  preceding  year  a  revenue  of  more 
than  34,000,000  pounds.  She  spent  on  what  she  is  pleased  to  call  the 
“  government  ”  of  Ireland,  about  13,000,000  pounds,  leaving  a  profit  to  herself 
of  21,000,000  pounds,  an  equivalent  of  about  $105,000,000  profit  gathered  to 
herself  through  taxation  of  Ireland. 

Ireland  did  with  the  rest  of  the  vrorld  the  previous  year  a  business  of 
$820,000,000,  according  to  Sir  Horance  Plunkett,  though  other  spokesmen  for 
England  say  this  estimate  is  entirely  too  low.  Of  the  foreign  business  done 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


775 


by  Ireland,  more  than  95  per  cent  was  done  with  England.  Why?  Because 
England  lias  s^  completely  cut  Ireland  off  from  the  rest  of  the  world  that  she 
is  unable  to  send  goods  abroad  except  through  England,  or  to  buy  abroad  ex¬ 
cept  through  England,  thus  being  compelled,  against  all  economic  law,  to  sell 
in  the  cheapest  market  and  to  buy  in  the  dearest  market. 

It  is  only  fair  to  presume,  as  a  result  of  this,  that  the  English  tradesman, 
who  is  as  shrewd,  as  adroit,  as  far  seeing  in  his  own  field  as  is  the  English 
diplomat  in  the  field  of  Government,  made  a  profit  of  at  least  15  per  cent  on 
the  turn  over  of  this  business  with  Ireland. 

Ireland  thus  gives  to  England,  in  addition  to  the  taxation,  the  profit  of 
$120,000,000,  thus  making  for  England  in  a  single  year  a  profit  of  vast  pro¬ 
portions — a  profit  of  $225,000,000  from  her  control  of  Ireland.  That  sum  rep¬ 
resents  225,000.000  reasons  why  England  wishes  to  remain  in  Ireland.  She 
is  there  as  a  matter  of  profit.  She  is  there  as  a  matter  of  interest.  But 
above  all  other  reasons,  strong  and  selfish  as  they  are,  England  remains  in 
Ireland  because  she  regards  her  continued  control  of  Ireland  as  vital  and 
essential  to  her  continued  control  of  the  seas. 

ENGLAND  USES  IRELAND  FOB  A  GREAT  DAIRY  FARM. 

Much  has  been  made  by  the  spokesmen  of  England  of  the  claim  that  Ireland 
must  remain  attached  to  England  because  England  is  the  chief  market  for 
Irish  goods,  and  the  country  through  which  Ireland’s  commerce  with  the  world 
must  be  carried  on,  if  Ireland  is  to  seek  a  world  market. 

No  more  damning  indictment  could  be  brought  against  England  than  is 
brought  by  this  bit  of  English  propaganda.  The  simple  outstanding  fact  is 
that  England  does  not  buy  one  dollar’s  worth  of  goods  from  Ireland  which  sha 
coifid  buy  cheaper  in  any  other  part  of  the  world.  Further,  because  of  her 
absolute  control  of  the  seas  of  the  world,  and  of  her  economic  contact 
with  every  other  country  on  earth,  England  does  not  sell  to  Ireland  one  single 
article,  no  matter  how  insignificant,  for  which  she  could  find  a  better  price  in 
any  other  part  of  the  globe. 

England  uses  Ireland  for  a  great  dairy  farm,  a  broad  grazing  land,  in  order 
that  food  may  be  provided  at  the  lowest  possible  price,  for  the  teeming  millions 
in  the  industrial  centers  of  England.  She  uses  Ireland  as  a  dumping  ground 
for  the  excess  products  of  her  factories — excess  products  which  are  turned  out 
by  her  manufacturers  either  to  meet  special  competition  in  some  other  country 
or  in  order  to  keep  her  industrial  workers  employed  so  that  they  may  not  have 
time  to  think  too  much  about  the  grievances  and  the  industrial  problems  that 
lead  to  revolution. 

ENGLAND  DESTROYED  THE  POPULATION  OF  IRELAND. 

The  world  recently  rang  with  English  propaganda  in  the  form  of  stories  of 
the  tyrannies  of  the  Czar  of  the  Russias  and  of  the  government  of  the  Cen¬ 
tral  Empires.  These  empires  have  gone,  and  properly  gone,  the  ways  of  every 
other  tyrant  of  past  history,  but  the  fact  remains  that  at  their  worst  these 
powers  did  not  keep  the  population  of  Alsace-Lorraine,  of  Schleswig-Holstein, 
of  Galicia,  from  greatly  increasing  in  numbers  and  in  prosperity. 

Nor  did  the  brutalities  and  outrageous  excesses  of  power  of  the  successive 
Czars  of  the  Russias  prevent  Russian  Poland  from  growing  greatly  in  popula¬ 
tion  and  in  wealth.  Yet  in  the  70  years  from  1845  to  1915,  the  population  of 
Ireland,  under  what  English  spokesmen  are  pleased  to  call  the  benign  reigns 
of  Victoria,  of  Edward  VII,  and  of  George  V,  has  decreased  from  more  than 
eight  and  three-quarter  millions  to  4,390,219. 

GOVERNMENT-MADE  FAMINES  TO  DESTROY  THE  PEOPLE  OF  IRELAND. 

In  that  time,  in  spite  of  the  cruelties  and  misgovernment  practiced  upon  the 
people  of  those  continental  countries,  no  charge  has  been  made  and  has  been 
proved — as  in  the  case  of  Ireland — of  a  government-made  famine  in  which  more 
than  one  million  starved  to  death  in  a  land  of  plenty,  and  another  two  million 
were  sent  across  the  seas  to  seek  in  foreign  countries  an  opportunity  to  live,  an 
opportunity  of  which  they  were  deprived  in  their  own  land  by  reason  of  the 
inhumanity  of  an  alien  government. 

England  has  systematically  broken  down  every  effort  made  to  build  up  the 
industries,  to  develop  the  resources  of  Ireland,  while  her  spokesmen  sing  in 
chorus  that  all  the  wrongs  of  Ireland  are  ancient  wrongs  and  that  Ireland 
is  to-day  governed  by  the  same  laws  that  govern  England,  and  therefore  the 
Irish  people  should  be  contented  with  their  lot  and  cease  to  cry  for  liberty. 


776 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


These  assertions  do  not  bear  the  slightest  investigation  of  an  impartial 
mind.  Ireland  has  been  turned  into  a  grazing  country  by  the  laws  of 
England  and  by  acts  of  the  English  Government.  The  system  of  laws  made  for 
a  highly  complex  industrial  state  like  England  are  utterly  out  of  place  in  a 
country  whose  main  pursuit  is  made  to  be  agriculture. 

GREAT  HARBORS  OF  IRELAND  IN  IDLENESS. 

The  shipping  controlled  by  England  cuts  Ireland  off  from  all  contact  with  the 
rest  of  the  world  and  keeps  in  idleness  20  of  the  greatest  harbors  of  Europe. 
It  prevents  the  modern  development  of  the  ports  of  Cork,  Limerick,  Galway, 
Sligo,  and  Dublin,  ports  which  centuries  ago  were  great  trading  ports,  carrying 
on  extensive  commerce  with  the  countries  of  continental  Europe. 

The  railroads  of  the  smaller  and  poorer  country  are  controlled  by  the  rail¬ 
roads  of  the  richer  and  larger  country,  so  that  it  cost  until  recently  as  much 
to  send  a  barrel  of  flour  across  from  Galway  to  Dublin  as  it  would  to  send  it 
from  Chicago  to  Liverpool. 

Most  of  the  banks  in  Ireland  are  bought  up  or  controlled  by  the  banks  of 
England,  with  the  result  that  the  deposits  are  not  invested  in  Ireland  for  the 
development  of  its  resources  or  the  upbuilding  of  its  industries,  but  are  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  English  manufacturers  and  business  men  to  aid  in  their  schemes 
for  exploiting  the  rest  of  the  world  and  beating  down  the  industrial  rivals  of 
England  in  Europe  and  in  the  United  States  of  America. 

The  Irish  mercantile  marine,  which  for  centuries  carried  on  a  commerce  with 
continental  Europe  and  America,  has  been  wiped  out  of  existence  by  adverse 
English  laws.  It  has  been  replaced  only  by  ships  which  bring  Ireland’s  goods 
to  England  and  England’s  goods  to  Ireland  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  the 
Irish  market  to  all  intents  and  purposes  the  private  monopoly  of  England. 

England,  roughly  speaking,  is  one  and  one-half  times  the  size  of  Ireland  in 
square  miles.  When  the  act  of  union  was  laid  upon  Ireland,  January  1,  1801, 
the  population  of  Ireland  was  almost  6,000,000  and  the  population  of  England 
was  less  thon  9,000,000.  To-day,  the  population  of  England  is  over  36,000,000, 
and  the  population  of  Ireland,  according  to  the  latest  English  census,  is  4,390,- 
219.  At  the  same  date  which  marks  the  application  of  the  act  of  union  to 
Ireland,  the  population  of  Scotland  was  1,700,000,  while  to-day,  for  the  first 
time  in  history,  it  is  larger  than  the  population  of  Ireland. 

IRELAND  VICIOUSLY  MISREPRESENTED  ABROAD. 

If  Ireland  had  been  satisfied  to  become  the  contented  province  of  England  and 
to  abandon  her  fight  for  liberty  and  her  desire  for  independence ;  if  she  would 
consent  to  become  absorbed  into  England,  to  become  a  part  of  the  English 
people,  she  would  undoubtedly  enjoy  a  prosperity  that  would  mean  all  that  the 
word  implies. 

It  is  because  of  the  fact  that  she  will  not  consent  to  such  an  arrangement,  it 
is  because  she  regards  the  ideal  as  of  more  consequence,  even  in  this  life,  than 
she  does  the  material,  that  Ireland  must  continue  to  be  misrepresented  abroad. 
If  England  has  her  way,  her  rule  will  continue  in  Ireland  until  that  day  and 
that  generation  when  the  British  Empire,  following  all  the  other  mighty  em¬ 
pires  of  the  past,  shall  hear  the  hour  of  her  doom  strike  and  shall  be  compelled 
to  give  way  to  the  onward  inarch  of  events  which  will  carry  its  end  into  the 
mighty  empire  and  bring  freedom  to  the  peoples  all  over  the  earth  who  are 
oppressed  by  it.  Thoughtful  observers  the  world  over  agree  that  that  day  is 
not  far  distant. 

England  has  time  after  time  overrun  Ireland  with  her  armies,  with  her  eon- 
fiscators,  but  she  has  never  conquered  Ireland,  and  unless  all  signs  by  which  the 
future  may  be  gauged  fail,  she  never  can  conquer  Ireland. 

To-day  England  faces  an  Irish  race  scattered  all  over  the  world,  totaling 
30,000,000  of  people.  She  may  boast  that  the  sun  never  sets  on  the  British 
Empire,  but  she  must  also  admit  that  it  never  sets  on  the  man  of  Irish  blood. 
Wherever  he  has  gone,  into  whatever  country  he  may  have  been  absorbed,  he 
remains  distinctively  hostile  to  the  British  Government  and  the  things  for 
which  that  Government  stands. 

He  was,  as  American  historians  tell  us,  the  first  to  raise  the  banner  of  revolt 
against  England  in  this  country.  According  to  that  scholarly  volume,  ‘  Hidden 
Phases  of  American  History,”  by  Michael  J.  O’Brien,  3S  per  cent  of  the  rank 
and  file  of  Washington’s  Army  were  Irishmen  or  sons  of  Irishmen — the  most 
determined,  the  most  unfaltering  enemy  England  had  in  America. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


777 


He  harbors  no  enmity  against  the  English  people,  ne  pities  rather  than 
condemns  them  for  the  injustice  under  which  they  suffer.  He  understands  the 
economic  slavery  which  is  imposed  upon  them — but  he  is  the  untiring,  the  un¬ 
faltering,  enemy  of  the  conscienceless  chicanery  and  corrupting  materialism 
which  are  the  chief  weapons  of  English  diplomacy. 

AMERICA  WAS  LED  INTO  THE  WAR  TO  PUT  AN  END  TO  AUTOCRACY. 

England  may  control  statesmen,  she  may  thunder  from  the  pulpits  and  she 
may  speak  through  the  impersonal  editorials  of  the  press  in  various  countries. 
She  may  purchase  poets,  she  may  hire  apologists,  she  may  rewrite  school  his¬ 
tories,  but  ever  and  always  there  will  be  men  rising  up  throughout  the  world  to 
thwart  her  schemes,  to  prevent  the  consummation  of  her  carefully  laid  plans,  to 
point  out  the  facts  of  history,  and  to  arouse  the  liberty-loving  people  of  the 
world  to  a  realization  of  the  fact  that  there  can  be  no  freedom  on  earth  until 
the  autocracy  which  hides  behind  the  mask  of  navalism  is  as  completely  broken 
as  was  that  which  was  covered  by  the  garb  of  militarism. 

England  may  succeed — as  she  lias  succeeded — in  cajoling  or  outmaneuvering 
the  spokesmen  of  free  peoples  at  the  conference  of  Versailles ;  she  may  write  the 
terms  of  peace  there  as  she  wrote  them  at  Vienna  a  century  before — but  she 
can  not  stifle  the  conscience  of  the  world.  She  can  not  satisfy  America  with  the 
assertion  that  the  war  has  been  won  because  German  and  Russian  militarism 
has  been  broken. 

America  was  led  into  the  war  to  put  an  end  to  autocracy,  and  that  means 
autocracy  in  every  form.  America  entered  the  war  to  break  down  special  privi¬ 
leges  in  all  Governments  and  to  see  that  not  only  militarism,  but  its  twin 
sister,  navalism,  was  broken  beyond  repair. 

If  America  had  not  gone  into  the  war  it  would  have  ended  in  an  entirely 
different  way.  We  threw  our  strength,  our  youth,  our  vigor,  our  idealism  into 
the  scales  and  we  freely  expressed  our  belief  that  when  we  won — for  there  was 
no  “  if  ”  about  it  once  we  went  into  the  war — there  would  be  an  end  to 
autocracy. 

We  declared  there  would  be  self-determination  for  all  peoples;  that  there 
would  be  freedom  of  the  seas — that  freedom  for  which  America  through  all  her 
history  has  contended  and  for  which  she  waged  one  victorious  war. 

America  won  the  war,  Sir  Douglas  Haig’s  comments  to  the  contrary  not¬ 
withstanding.  America  threw  her  soul,  her  honor,  her  ideals  into  the  winning 
of  the  war,  and  America  will  not  now  be  satisfied  until  all  the  peoples  of  the 
earth  gather  in  the  fruits  of  that  victory. 

There  can  be  no  just  or  permanent  peace  if,  after  destroying  one  form  of 
autocracy,  we  leave  another  form  more  strongly  entrenched  than  ever  and 
resting  upon  a  firmer  foundation.  The  plain  people  throughout  the  world 
will  not  rest  while  two  great  empires  remain,  their  strength  buttressed  and 
fortified  by  a  peace  which  able  spokesmen  of  these  empires,  with  superior 
courage,  superior  diplomacy,  with  greater  skill,  impose  upon  mankind. 

America  magnificently  won  the  war.  America  has  failed  to  make  the  peace.  . 
America’s  spokesmen  laid  down  splendidly  the  terms  of  peace  which  were  to 
satisfy  the  world  and  which  were  agreed  to  in  advance  by  the  spokesmen  of 
England,  of  France,  of  Italy.  But  America’s  spokesmen  have  been  outplayed, 
outclassed,  by  the  veteran  diplomats  of  the  latter  countries. 

America  was  satisfied  with  the  proposed  terms  of  peace.  She  is  utterly  dis¬ 
satisfied  with  the  proposed  peace  treaty  and  its  accompanying  league  of 
nations  as  drawn  by  Cecil  and  Smuts  and  now  urged  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States  as  something  behind  which  he  may  hide  the  discomfiture  result¬ 
ing  from  his  encounter  with  the  skilled  diplomats  of  the  Old  World. 

Gloss  over  the  story  as  one  may,  the  fact  remains  that  out  of  the  conference 
at  Versailles  there  have  emerged  twro  great  powers  greatly  strengthened — the 
island  empires  of  England  and  Japan.  These  two  empires  are  now  seizing 
and  taking  to  themselves  the  choicest  spots  on  earth,  adding  tremendously  to 
their  already  swollen  power. 

THE  WAR,  FOUGHT  FOR  DEMOCRACY,  ENTHRONES  AUTOCRACY. 

England,  whose  spokesman  assured  us  one  hundred  times  during  the  war  that 
she  sought  no  territory,  has  had,  in  her  own  accustomed  style,  forced  upon  her 
“  unwilling  ”  shoulders  huge  strips  of  land  which  nominally  belonged  to  the 
German  Empire  but  which  really  belonged  to  their  inhabitants.  These  people. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


as  the  result  of  the  war,  are  simply  transferred  from  one  group  of  exploiters 
to  another,  and  a  more  experienced  group. 

Forty  million  Chinese  Republicans  were  torn  from  their  own  country  with  the 
immense  province  of  Shantung  and  turned  over  to  the  Empire  of  Japan,  thus 
making  it  larger,  in  point  of  population,  than  the  United  States  of  America. 

England,  which,  before  we  entered  the  war,  on  the  visit  of  Balfour  to  Wash¬ 
ington,  was  in  the  throes  of  despair  and  on  the  verge  of  defeat,  can  now  proudly 
proclaim  through  her  mouthpiece,  Lord  Cecil,  that  she  emerges  from  the  war 
richer  and  stronger,  actually  and  relatively,  than  any  other  country  on  earth. 

The  war,  fought  for  democracy,  may  end  with  a  peace  which  greatly  increases 
the  power  of  autocracy.  The  war,  fought  to  bring  freedom  of  the  seas,  ends 
with  England  in  unquestioned  control  of  all  the  oceans  of  the  earth.  The  war, 
fought  to  bring  self-determination  to  all  the  peoples  of  the  earth,  has  the  doc¬ 
trine  of  English  pre-determination  applied  to  some  parts  of  the  continent,  in 
order  temporarily  to  break  up  and  permanently  to  cripple  her  European  rivals. 
This  doctrine  is  applied  to  Asia  in  such  a  way  that  the  Japanese  predetermina¬ 
tion  may  apply  to  the  continent  of  Asia  to  the  end  that  she  may  eventually  ab¬ 
sorb  China  and  be  ready  with  her  intimate  ally  and  close  friend,  England,  for 
any  emergency  that  may  arise  in  any  part  of  the  world. 

THE  TWO  GREAT  EMPIRES  INSIST  THAT  AMERICA  GUARANTEE  THEIR  POSSESSIONS. 

Not  satisfied  with  their  own  power  to  retain  that  which  the  self-satisfied  and 
temporary  spokesman  for  America  has  permitted  them  to  absorb,  England  and 
Japan  are  insisting  through  Clause  X  in  the  proposed  League  of  Nations  that 
America  shall  guarantee  for  all  time  the  present  territorial  integrity  of  the 
two  remaining  empires  on  earth. 

One  little  knows  the  fierce  passion  for  democracy  which  burns  in  the  breast 
of  the  average  American  if  he  thinks  that  such  a  scheme  will  ever  succeed.  For 
143  years,  America  has  been  fighting  with  ever-increasing  vigor  the  battle  of 
democracy. 

America  has  ever  been  to  the  forefront  in  the  struggle  for  human  rights. 
She  has  sought  to  put  an  end  in  every  way  to  the  special  privileges  of  the  few. 
She  favors  the  rights  of  the  many  and  she  will  not  now  permit  any  man 
speaking  for  her  to  reverse  her  position,  to  destroy  her  old  ideals,  or  to 
prevent  her  from  carrying  on  the  struggle  until  democracy  shall  finally 
triumph  and  the  last  stronghold  of  autocracy  be  destroyed. 

SHANTUNG  A  MONSTROUS  ACT. 

The  transfer  of  Shantung  with  its  40,000,000  people  from  the  great  young 
democracy  of  China  to  the  absolutist  Empire  of  Japan  is  a  monstrous  act, 
indefensible,  high-handed,  un-American.  The  attempt  to  have  us  guarantee 
the  territorial  integrity  of  England  and  Japan  is  a  monstrous  and  a  cowardly 
act,  an  attempt  not  alone  to  truckle  to  the  strong  but  to  trample  upon  and 
destroy  the  rights  of  the  weak.  It  would  make  us  a  party  to  every  act  of 
tyranny  that  hereafter  was  perpetrated  throughout  the  world. 

But  history  shows  that  even  if  it  were  possible  for  the  great  Senate  of  the 
United  States  to  be  false  and  recreant  to  its  trust  a  thing  like  this  could  not 
be  permanently  done.  It  is  asking  us  to  do  the  impossible.  All  history 
teaches,  all  experience  shows,  that  nothing  is  static  in  nature,  that  it  is 
impossible  for  one  generation  to  so  impose  its  will  on  the  world  as  to  pre¬ 
vent  a  change  in  the  boundaries  of  countries  or  in  the  fortunes  of  nations. 

THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  AND  THE  HOLY  ALLIANCE. 

A  century  ago  a  “  holy  alliance  ”  undertook  to  do  the  very  thing  that  Is 
again  being  attempted  to-day,  but  not  only  is  the  “  holy  alliance  ”  referred 
to  nowadays  by  words  of  contempt  and  contumely,  but  the  very  governments 
which  brought  the  treaty  into  existence  are  themselves  but  memories. 

The  old  or  little  men  who  for  the  moment  from  time  to  time  control  the 
destinies  of  mankind  may  think  themselves  able  to  stop  the  progress  of  man¬ 
kind  and  impose  their  wills  upon  advancing  generations.  But  history  shows 
that  even  the  few  great  outstanding  figures  in  the  history  of  the  centuries 
were  not  able  thus  to  act  for  the  future.  And  the  last  half  century,  with 
its  seven  great  empires  thrown  into  the  discard,  shows  how  fate  laughs 
at  the  puny  efforts  of  man  to  govern  the  future  or  control  its  destinies. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


779 


The  world  is  just  entering  upon  a  great  era  of  growth  and  reconstruction, 
yet  this  is  the  time  when  an  old  man,  an  older  man  and  a*  very  old  man  in  whose 
hands  fate  seemed  for  the  moment  to  have  whimsically  placed  the  strings  of 
the  future,  chose  to  abandon  the  high-sounding  battle  cries  upon  which  the  war 
was  waged  and  won,  and  to  make  another  ill-conceived  and  badly  executed  bal¬ 
ance  of  power  under  the  name  of  the  league  of  nations. 

To  do  this,  Clemenceau  has  tried  to  turn  the  wheels  of  time  backward,  tried 
to  go  back  to  the  Europe  of  Louis  XI V,  breaking  down  the  great,  peoples  of  the 
continent  who  outnumber  and  outbreed  the  French,  and  to  set  up,  all  over  the 
continent,  a  series  of  buffer  states  that  would  prevent  the  growth  of  strong 
rivals  to  France,  and  leave  her  in  the  position  of  being  the  dominant  military 
power  of  the  continent. 

England,  running  true  to  form,  is  entirely  contented  for  the  moment  to  have 
France  resume  her  old  place  among  the  nations,  so  long  as  she  may  see  her 
economic  rivals  on  the  continent  broken  into  bits  and  reduced  to  the  position  of 
impotence  and  poverty. 

England  herself,  true  to  her  predatory  instincts,  seizes  in  the  name  of  civiliza¬ 
tion  and  justice,  territories  almost  continental  in  area,  rich  in  mineral  and  other 
natural  resources,  to  be  added  to  her  already  immense  empire.  She  emerges 
from  the  war  not  only  the  greatest  empire  in  extent  that  the  world  has  ever 
known,  with  a  monopolistic  control  of  articles  essential  to  the  comforts  and  con¬ 
veniences  of  mankind,  but,  through  her  unquestioned  control  of  the  seas,  she 
will  strive  for  a  practical  monopoly  of  the  commerce  of  the  world. 

England  emerges  from  the  war  with  but  one  economic  or  industrial  rival  upon 
earth,  these  United  States  of  America,  whose  public  opinion  she  flatters  herself 
that  she  controls  and  whose  activities  she  at  least  has  been  able  to  guide  so  far 
as  to  make  us  forgive,  if  we  did  not  forget,  our  previous  experience  with  her. 

ENGLAND  SEEKS  TO  FLATTER  AMERICA. 

Tossing  everything  into  the  scales  in  the  last  great  contest  in  which  she  broke, 
at  least  for  generations  to  come,  the  continental  industrial  rivals  which  were 
ousting  her  from  the  markets  of  the  world,  England  has  won  decisively  and 
absolutely,  as  far  as  empire  is  concerned,  and  now  looks  with  complacency  upon 
the  task  before  her  of  cajoling  and  flattering  America, 

Meanwhile  she  carries  on  an  economic  war  against  us  which  will  shut  us  out 
from  the  markets  of  the  world,  and  which  will  gradually  put  us  on  the  defensive 
in  the  fight  that  England  is  waging  to  recover  the  financial  supremacy  of  the 
world,  which  she  fondly  believes  we  have  but  momentarily  taken  from  her. 

One  plea  that  she  has  made  calls  attention  to  her  tremendous  sacrifices  in  the 
contest  which  she  keeps  reminding  us  was  fought  for  our  safety  as  w'ell  as  for 
her  own  interests,  and  which  many  of  her  spokesmen,  like  Sir  Douglas  Haig, 
now  remind  us,  since  she  is  no  longer  in  danger,  was  won  by  her  and  not  by  us. 

England  is  shutting  out  the  products  of  our  manufacturers  from  her  terri¬ 
tories  and  so  far  as  possible  is  shutting  out  our  commerce  in  every  corner  of 
the  globe  and  is  depending  upon  her  control  of  the  seas  to  eventually  shut  us 
out  from  most  of  the  foreign  markets  and  leave  us  in  the  position  where  our 
manufacturers  must  be  content  to  sell  their  products  in  so  much  of  our  own 
markets  as  Engand  mry  choose  to  leave  to  us. 

This  is  in  no  sense  an  exaggeration  of  what  she  seeks  and  of  what  she  hopes. 
She  relies  upon  the  skill  of  her  diplomats  to  bring  tins  state  of  affairs  about.  She 
has  very  largely  monopolized  rubber,  wool,  and  other  essential  products  of  the 
world.  She  is  seeking  every  day,  with  ever  increasing  chances  of  success,  to 
monopolize  the  oil  fields  of  the  world,  while  all  the  time,  with  sophisticated 
casuistry,  she  keeps,  through  a  chorus  of  a  thousand  voices  raised  in  the  press, 
the  pulpits,  and  the  schools  of  America,  assuring  us  that  she  alone  in  all  the 
world  is  our  constant  friend,  that  but  for  her  and  her  chivalrous,  unselfish 
efforts  we  would  have  been  overrun  by  some  of  the  continental  powers  which 
were  seeking  this  very  world  power  which  she  now  possesses  to  the  full. 

She  would  have  us  believe  that  she  fought  unselfishly  in  the  war  for  the  very 
purposes  for  which  our  President  says  we  entered  the  war,  yet  her  first  act 
after  the  war  was  won  by  us  to  say  that  the  doctrine  of  the  freedom  of  the  seas 
could  not  be  even  considered  at  Paris,  and  utterly  unconsidered  it  was  and  still 
remains. 

She  said  she  favored  self-determination  for  all  oppressed  peoples  and  agreed 
with  the  President  when  he  said  that  no  people  must  live  under  a  government 
not  chosen  by  themselves.  She  must  cynically  smile  to  herself  when  she  has 


780 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


the  peace  conference  practically  adjourn  after  having,  with  the  help  of  that 
self-determination  cloak,  broken  her  rivals  into  pieces  without  any  effort  having 
been  made  to  apply  that  doctrine  to  Ireland,  to  Egypt,  to  India,  or  to  any  of 
the  other  countries  of  which  she  is  in  possession  with  only  the  title  that  a 
robber  lias  to  hi3  prey. 

ATTEMPTS  TO  MAKE  OVER  TOE  MAP  OF  THE  WOULD  IN  THE  DARK. 

She  said  she  favored  open  covenants  of  peace,  openly  arrived  at,  and  yet 
the  “  Holy  Alliance  ”  did  not  attempt  to  make  over  the  map  of  the  world  with 
the  same  secrecy  behind  which  these  three  gentlemen  hid  themselves  at  Paris. 
And  so  one  might  go  through  all  of  the  points  and  find  that  English  skill  had 
escaped  or  English  cynicism  in  arousing  mankind  to  save  England,  but  which 
were  in  the  way  when  an  English  peace  had  to  be  made. 

The  Englishman  has  a  genius  for  diplomacy.  Not  content  with  being  saved 
from  destruction,  not  content  with  unprecedented  gains  in  territory,  in 
wealth,  in  prestige  throughout  the  world,  he  now  seeks  to  undo  what  he  regards 
as  mistakes  of  the  past  and  to  recover  by  mental  ability  that  which  he  lost  a 
century  and  a  half  ago  by  force  of  arms.  In  his  self-satisfaction,  he  takes 
no  account  of  the  fact  that  the  thirteen  colonies,  if  they  had  continued  aa 
colonies,  could  not  have  begun  to  save  him  as  the  forty -eight  States  did  actually 
save  him,  as  he  himself  must  admit. 

ENGLAND  AIMS  TO  UNDO  THE  WrOEK  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 

He  wishes,  now  that  his  peril  is  for  the  moment  past,  to  undo  the  work  of 
the  Revolution,  to  destroy  the  great  experiment  in  government  which  the 
fathers  set  up  upon  these  shores,  and  by  one  stroke  set  back  the  hands  on  the 
clock  of  time  for  centuries.  He  wishes  to  do  this  in  order  that  the  special 
form  of  privileged  autocracy  wdiich  governs  England  may  regain  control  of 
this  country,  and  with  its  mighty  strength  and  unlimited  resources  bring 
about  that  junction  of  the  English-speaking  races  which  his  agents  like  Carnegie 
and  Rhodes  have  foretold  and  for  vrhich  they  have  labored  for  two  generations. 

lie  has  hoped,  because  of  his  easy  control  of  things  at  Paris,  that  he  would 
find  that  the  dead  hand  of  Rhodes  had  actually  won  the  victory.  But  he  was 
astounded  to  find  not  alone  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  standing  like 
adamant  against  the  proposed  league  of  nations,  but  the  public  sentiment  of 
the  people  of  America,  aroused  as  never  before,  not  only  to  defend  American 
rights,  but  to  do  what  he  complains  of  as  an  iinsolent  thing — to  interfere  In 
“  domestic  ”  problems  of  English  politics. 

WASHINGTON  STILL  THE  SEAT  OF  THE  AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT. 

He  is  horrified  to  find  that  in  spite  of  huge  expenditures,  that  in  spite  of  the 
British  propaganda  of  Northcliffe,  Parker,  and  others  of  that  ilk,  America  re¬ 
fuses  to  be  made  again  into  a  colony,  and  that  interest  in  the  freedom  of  the 
seas  has  been  aroused  in  America  as  never  before. 

He  had  been  brought  to  believe  during  the  pressure  of  the  war  that  American 
public  opinion  was  only  the  echo  of  English  public  opinion,  and  is  astounded 
now  to  find  that  his  complete  victory  at  Paris  is  likely  to  be  turned  into  com¬ 
plete  defeat  at  Washington,  where,  in  spite  of  his  hopes  to  the  contrary,  and  to 
his  utter  consternation,  he  finds  the  real  seat  of  American  government  still  con¬ 
tinues  to  be  found. 

THE  REAL  STRENGTH  OF  ENGLAND. 

England,  while  hastening  to  assure  ns  in  a  hundred  ways  that  she  had  no 
selfish  interest,  to  serve  in  asking  to  have  the  league  of  nations  made  operative 
and  the  integrity  of  the  British  Empire  guaranteed  by  the  power  and  resources 
of  the  United  States,  has  unwittingly  shown  her  own  weakness.  More  and  more 
thoughtful  observers  throughout  the  world  are  able  to  read  in  that  damand  the 
real  opinion  of  English  statesmen  as  to  their  own  strength. 

As  a  flash  of  lightning  in  a  storm  enables  the  observer  in  a  second  to  see  his 
way  through  the  darkness,  so  the  request  for  such  guarantee  by  Lord  Cecil  has 
revealed  the  real  weakness  of  England,  instead  of  the  apparent  strength  which 
he  and  his  group  have  been  teaching  us  to  observe. 

It  is  at  once  made  clear  that  the  England  which  must  call  on  the  world  to 
guarantee  its  possessions  is  in  a  bad  way  both  at  home  and  abroad.  It  is  an 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


781 

>1 

admission  that  it  can  no  longer  hope  to  call  upon  the  strength  of  other  countries 
in  its  hour  of  peril  in  order  to  preserve  it,  as  it  called  the  world  into  arras 
against  France  under  Napoleon  and  against  Germany  under  Wilhelm. 

In  spite  of  its  censorship,  the  rumblings  of  industrial  labor  troubles 
with  miners  and  transport  workers  and  railway  men  are  being  heard  in 
the  land.  The  uprisings  in  India  and  in  Egypt,  the  dissatisfaction  in 
Australia  and  in  Canada,  and,  above  all,  the  settled  determination  upon  the 
part  of  the  people  of  Ireland  to  take  at  its  face  value  the  promises  of  Wilson, 
Clemenceau,  Lloyd-George,  and  Orlando,  and  to  insist  upon  absolute  self- 
determination,  are  matters  which  are  calling  the  attention  of  mankind  to  tli.* 
fact  that  there  is  and  there  can  be  no  freedom  on  earth  while  this  distended 
and  gigantic  appetite  called  the  British  Empire  continues  to  threaten  and  to 
prey  upon  mankind. 

i 

AMERICA  IS  AT  THE  PASTING  OF  THE  WAYS. 

The  parting  of  the  ways  has  come  for  America.  Either  we  remain  true 
to  our  ideals,  true  to  the  traditions  of  the  past,  still  the  moral  leader  of 
mankind  and  the  hope  of  the  oppressed  people  of  the  earth,  or  we  join  with 
the  privileged  class  of  England  and  become  one  of  the  predatory  powers  of 
the  world. 

Either  we  continue  to  lead  the  forces  of  republicanism,  whether  they 
oppose  the  central  empires  of  the  continent,  the  Czars  of  the  Itussias,  or 
whether  they  stand  against  the  Cecils  and  Balfours  of  England  or  the 
Mikado  of  Japan,  and  bring  hope  and  cheer  to  the  downtrodden  people  of 
Ireland,  and  we  stand  for  the  preservation  of  American  rights  or  we  join 
forces  with  Lloyd-George,  that  artful  dodger  of  English  politics,  in  his 
efforts  to  further  deceive  the  people  and  put  off  until  another  generation 
the  settlement  of  the  question  of  Ireland.  The  question  of  Ireland,  it  must 
be  remembered,  can  only  be  settled  right  when  Ireland  regains  her  inde¬ 
pendence  and  takes  her  place  once  more  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

Like  everything  else  human,  America  can  not  remain  static.  America  must 
either  advance  or  retire.  It  must  continue  to  lead  the  forces  of  democracy 
in  its  onward  march  to  absolute  freedom,  or  it  must  join  the  forces  of 
autocracy  and  seek  to  snatch  liberty  from  the  other  nations  of  the  world. 

AMERICA  IS  ASKED  TO  ENTER  INTO  AN  ENTANGLING  ALLIANCE. 

We  are  asked  now  to  abandon  the  advice  given  us  by  our  first,  and  one  of 
our  greatest,  Presidents  against  entering  into  entangling  alliances  with  other 
powers.  Not  alone  should  we  refuse  to  abandon  this  advice,  but  we  should 
more  than  ever  make  clear  to  the  world  our  unfaltering  determination  to 
abide  by  it  and  to  make  it  one  of  the  fundamental  planks  in  our  foreign 
policy.  By  standing  by  it  in  the  past  we  have  grown  great  and  prosperous, 
masters  of  our  own  destinies,  arbiters  of  our  own  fate. 

We  have  been  free  to  enter  wars  and  free  to  remain  at  peace,  according  to 
the  exigencies  of  the  hour  and  according  to  what  we  conceived  to  be  our  own 
interest  and  the  best  policy  for  the  protection  of  the  liberties  of  mankind, 
We  have  been  free  to  govern  our  actions  by  the  best  light  and  information 
which  we  could  obtain  upon  questions  at  the  hour  of  action. 

Our  liberty  of  action  has  not  been  foreclosed  by  reason  of  any  commitment 
made  in  advance  by  those  who  had  passed  off  the  stage  of  action  or  were  no 
longer  in  a  position  to  speak  for  the  majority  of  the  people  of  our  country.  In 
other  words,  we  have  always  been  in  the  position  of  being  governed  by  the  living 
will  of  the  present,  rather  than  by  the  dead  hand  of  the  past. 

Not  along  every  mandate  of  interest,  but  the  high  call  of  idealism  should 
counsel  us  to  remain  in  that  position  and  not  commit  ourselves  to  any  alliance 
which,  obeying  the  passion  and  meeting  the  whim  of  the  hour,  could  commit 
those  who  come  after  us  to  labors  and  sacrifices  which  they  should  not  be  asked 
to  undertake  except  at  their  own  free  will  and  upon  good  cause  shown  to  them 
at  the  hour  of  sacrifice. 

We  are  asked  now  to  be  satisfied  with  a  declaration  of  the  Monroe  doctrine, 
which  according  to  many  thoughtful  observers,  weakens  and  jeopardizes  rather 
than  strengthens  that  cardinal  principle  of  American  diplomacy.  In  this  hour 
wdien  a  peace  conference,  called  into  existence  for  the  purpose  of  making  peace, 
did  not  content  itself  with  settling  the  questions  at  issue  between  the  belliger¬ 
ents,  but  w^eut  up  and  down  the  world  seeking  problems  it  might  settle,  vr* 


782 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


should  extend  and  strengthen,  rather  than  weaken,  the  doctrine  laid  down  by 
James  Monroe. 

We  should  insist  that  the  Western  Hemisphere  be  not  invaded  by  any 
power  from  the  East;  that  no  old-world  possessions  held  here  are  to  be  in¬ 
creased,  and  we  should  also  insist  upon  the  absolute  withdrawal  from  this 
territory  of  the  flag  of  every  empire  or  monarchy. 

THE  BRITISH  FLAG  SHOULD  BE  COMPELLED  TO  FOLLOW  THE  OTHER  FLAGS  FROM  OUR 

SHORES. 

What  is  sacrosanct  about  the  British  Empire  that  it  continues  to  rule  vast 
sections  of  the  American  continent  after  all  other  empires  have  left  its  shores? 
The  flag  of  Russia,  of  Spain,  of  Portugal,  of  Denmark  have  been  withdrawn 
from  this  hemisphere.  Why  should  we  not  now  Insist  that  the  flag  of  England 
should  follow  the  others  and  leave  here  in  this  hemisphere,  dedicated  for  all 
time  to  liberty  and  republicanism,  only  the  flags  of  the  free? 

Why  should  not  our  great  neighbor  on  the  north,  which  Cecil  undoubtedly 
hopes  some  day  to  use  as  a  weapon  to  smite  us,  should  the  economic  war  now 
being  waged  between  the  countries  ever  reach  the  acute  stage  of  military  or 
naval  warfare,  or  if  there  ever  should  come  a  conflict  between  England’s  ally, 
Japan,  and  ourselves — why  should  not  that  great  country  have  an  opportunity 
of  taking,  its  place  among  the  republics  of  the  earth,  or  even,  if  it  chooses, 
of  joining  our  country  and  thus  bridging  the  gulf  which  separates  us  from 
our  great  territory  of  Alaska. 

The  ties  which  bind  the  people  of  Canada  to  us  are  every  day  increasing 
in  number  and  in  strength.  The  ties  of  trade  which  bind  us  are  natural  and 
are  varied  in  form.  The  Great  Lakes  that  lie  between  us  are  not  intended 
to  separate  us,  but  should,  by  a  thousand  ties  of  commerce,  draw  us  more 
closely  together.  Great  numbers  of  our  people  come  from  the  same  racial 
stocks  and  in  the  late  war,  according  to  reports  coming  from  ever-increasing 
sources  through  our  returned  soldiers,  our  own  soldiers  found  a  dozen  ways 
in  which  they  resembled  one  another  for  every  day  in  which  either  found  that 
they  resembled  the  British  soldiers. 

CHAMBERLAIN  HAS  SAID  THAT  AN  ADJOINING  REPUBLIC  IS  A  MENACE. 

Thoughtful  observers  in  the  United  States  as  well  as  in  Canada  realize 
that  our  interests  are  in  the  Western  rather  than  in  the  Eastern  Hemisphere, 
and  that  the  views  of  an  ever-increasing  number  of  Canadians  with  relation 
to  the  future  of  Ireland,  the  future  of  Shantung,  are  those  of  a  majority  of 
the  people  of  America  rather  than  those  of  the  governing  body  of  England. 

The  people  of  Canada  are  essentially  a  freedom-loving  people,  aside  from 
what  is  pleased  to  call  itself  the  governing  class,  which  seeks  for  special 
privileges  like  the  same  class  in  England.  Canadians  desire  liberty  for  them¬ 
selves  and  would  like  to  see  the  blessings  of  liberty  given  to  every  people. 

More  than  that,  if  there  be  anything  in  the  repeated  declarations  of  Joseph 
Chamberlain  in  his  attempts  to  justify  the  rubbing  out  of  the  two  little  re¬ 
publics  of  South  Africa  that  republican  institutions  adjoining  British  territory 
were  a  menace  to  Britain,  the  governing  class  in  England  can  look  upon  the 
continued  existence  of  the  American  republic  only  as  a  menace  to  England 
and  we  have  now  the  right  to  ask  of  her,  having  saved  England,  that  as  an 
evidence  of  her  good  faith  in  saying  that  she  is  a  friend  of  liberty,  that  she 
withdraw  her  flag  from  this  continent  and  leave  it  to  be  entirely  dedicated 
to  liberty  and  freedom. 


MAN  IS  SIGHING  FOR  PEACE. 

The  late  war  aroused  mankind  to  a  realization  of  the  fact  that  without 
regard  to  the  boundaries  of  a  country  or  the  lines  of  race,  war  is  a  curse  to 
mankind;  that  it  takes  not  only  millions  of  a  generation  to  death  and  leaves 
other  millions  subject  to  sickness  and  disease  as  an  aftermath,  but  it  imposes 
on  the  future  generations  a  back-breaking  burden  of  taxation  which  means 
countless  hardships  and  privations,  while  it  brings  only  to  the  specially  priv¬ 
ileged  peoples  in  every  country  immense  fortunes  which  break  down  the  founda¬ 
tions  of  liberty  and  sap  the  principles  on  which  freedom  exists. 

Without  regard  to  race  or  religion,  man  is  sighing  for  peace.  He  realizes 
that  war  is  an  abnormal  condition,  that  peace  is  the  normal  condition,  and 


TREATY  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY.  783 


men  are  seeking  as  they  have  never  sought  before,  to  insure  a  peace  that  will 
prevent  and  destroy  war. 

HOrES  BASED  ON  FEAC'E  CONFERENCE  VANISH  LIKE  A  DREAM. 

Mankind  lived  in  the  hope  that  the  peace  conference  was  to  be  a  setting 
for  the  ending  of  all  wars.  Peoples  were  to  be  taken  from  the  thraldom  of 
their  aggressors,  natural  boundaries  were  to  be  established  between  States, 
armaments  were  to  be  destroyed,  cannon  were  to  be  made  into  plowshares, 
and  the  fourteen  points  of  President  Wilson  were  to  be  made  the  basis  of  an 
enduring  peace. 

The  peace  conference  has  practically  adjournd  and  all  the  hopes  that  were 
based  upon  it  are  passing  into  oblivion  like  the  illusions  of  dreams.  But  the 
mass  of  mankind  is  more  than  ever  insistent  that  there  must  be  an  end  to 
human  destruction  and  to  the  awful  butchery  and  suffering  that  modern  war 
spells  for  humanity.  It  has  been  driven  into  their  minds  that  only  by  freedom 
to  the  oppressed  of  all  nations  can  peace  come,  putting  an  end  to*  the  rule  of 
the  few  and  by  bringing  about  government  by  the  many,  bringing  at  once 
liberty  to  man  and  an  end  to  all  war. 

There  may  be  for  a  short  time  a  brief  respite  for  those  who  remain  in  power, 
though  they  have  deceived  the  people  who  have  seen  promises  solemnly  made, 
lightly  broken.  But  no  just  or  permanent  peace  can  be  made  until  the  pur¬ 
poses  to  which  the  American  people  set  their  hands  when  they  entered  the 
war  have  been  attained,  until  autocracy  in  all  its  forms  has  been  destroyed, 
until  not  alone  the  militarism  that  was  breaking  the  back  of  Europe  but  the 
navalism  which  is  oppressing  and  controlling  the  whole  world  shall  be  de¬ 
stroyed  and  the  right  of  self-determination  shall  be  given,  not  alone  to  some, 
but  to  all  the  peoples  of  the  earth. 

A  COURT  OF  NATIONS. 

A  court  of  nations  will  come  in  its  own  due  time  that  will  embrace  all  the 
people  of  the  earth,  that  will  see  to  it  that  all  peoples  are  free,  and  that  will 
see  to  it  that  the  World  War  will  actually  bring  a  permanent  peace.  Such  a 
court  will  exalt  justice  and  will  destroy  tyranny,  but  it  will  be  a  real  court, 
open  to  all  peoples,  and  not  an  unreal  league  which  is  only  another  name  for 
an  Anglo-American  alliance,  a  Cecil-Smus  plan  to  exalt  autocracy  and  enslav® 
mankind. 

Every  red-blooded  man  favors  such  a  court  of  nations  as  he  favors  the 
brotherhood  of  man  and  the  counsel  of  perfection,  but  the  more  intensely  he 
favors  such  an  ideal  the  more  he  objects  to  and  abhors  the  hypocrisy  which 
wmuld  steal  the  ideal  in  order  to  cover  a  treaty  of  alliance  that  would  fasten 
the  robber  grip  of  England  on  all  the  wTorld. 

THE  GUARANTIES  OF  IRELAND. 

Having  set  forth  the  claims  of  Ireland  to  independence,  her  demand  and  her 
right  to  be  free ;  having  exposed  the  hypocrisy  of  England  in  her  varied  at¬ 
tempts  to  confuse  the  issue,  having  torn  away  the  mask  behind  which  England 
hoped  to  securely  hide  from  the  gaze  of  the  world,  let  us  see  w7hat  Ireland  offers 
to  the  world  as  an  evidence  of  her  good  faith. 

The  people  of  Ireland  seek  for  themselves  a  form  of  government  which  would 
do  justice  to  all  the  people  within  the  four  shores  of  Ireland.  They  seek  to 
set  up  a  government  representing  equality  to  all,  injustice  to  none.  They  de¬ 
mand  and  will  insist  upon  political  equality  and  religious  freedom  for  all  the 
people  of  Ireland. 

They  insist  that  the  majority  must  rule,  but  that  the  rights  of  political 
equality  and  religious  freedom  shall  be  given  to  all  members  of  the  minority  as 
well  as  of  the  majority. 

The  people  of  Ireland  believe  that  the  minority  is  entitled  to  guaranties, 
but  not  to  control.  They  are  ready  to  embody  a  guaranty  of  these  rights  in 
their  constitution,  as  they  have  been  embodied  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

They  are  ready  to  adopt  these  things  wThich  made  for  success  in  America  and 
to  avoid  those  things  which  were  found  to  be  mistakes  or  errors* 


784 


TEE  AT  Y  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY* 


CONTRASTS  IRELAND  AND  AMERICA. 

As  a  result  of  the  Revolution  in  America  estates  were  confiscated  and  men 
were  exiled.  The  people  of  Ireland,  however,  are  ready  to  say  to  the  small 
group  in  Ulster  who  say  they  can  not  remain  as  an  integral  part  of  the  Irish 
people  that  they  would  part  with  them  with  regret,  but  will  guarantee  to  them, 
if  they  choose  to  sell,  the  full  market  value  of  all  property  which  they  own 
in  Ireland. 

The  people  of  Ireland  ask  every  man  of  whatever  blood,  or  whatever  religion, 
who  is  now  in  Ireland  to  remain  in  Ireland  on  terms  which  will  insure  abso¬ 
lute  equality  for  all.  They  point  out  that  there  is  no  instance  in  its  history 
of  religious  persecution  or  racial  intolerance  due  to  the  majority  of  the  people 
of  Ireland ;  that  wherever  there  has  been  persecution  it  has  been  by  the  minor¬ 
ity,  urged  on  against  the  majority  by  the  English  Government. 

The  people  of  Ireland  point  out  that  in  every  section  of  the  country,  in 
every  generation,  Protestants  of  different  sect  or  religious  persuasions  have 
been  put  forward  as  leaders  by  a  majority  of  the  Irish  people,,  called  to  the 
highest  elective  office  within  the  gift  of  the  majority  of  the  people.  They  urge 
that  no  fairer  way  of  judging  the  future  can  be  found  than  that  furnished 
by  the  experiences  of  the  past. 

They  are  willing  at  all  times  to  accord  to  others  the  rights  which  they  insist 
upon  for  themselves.  They  demand,  without  further  delay,  that  their  present, 
rights  shall  be  recognized  by  the  world  and  that  international  recognition  shall 
be  given  to  the  republican  form  of  government  established  in  Ireland  after  a 
plebiscite  held  on  her  shores  last  December,  in  the  presence  of  the  great  Eng¬ 
lish  army  of  occupation  and  under  conditions  which  held  the  machinery  of 
government  at  that  time  in  the  hands  of  Great  Britain. 

AU  that  any  friend  of  Ireland  asks  of  America  is  that  present  conditions 
in  Ireland  be  studied  fairly  and  dispassionately.  In  no  other  part  of  the 
world  can  there  be  found  a  parallel  to  the  manner  in  wdiich  the  population  of 
Ireland  has  been  reduced  by  the  English  Government  within  the  past  70  years. 

Why  should  England  that  cried  out  with  such  strength  against  injustice  in 
Belgium,  be  permitted  to  maintain  and  continue  her  rule  of  might  in  Ireland? 
Even  her  apologists  admit  that  England's  rule  in  Ireland  is  based  only  upon 
her  bayonets  and  cannon. 

How  can  England  satisfy  the  conscience  of  the  world  with  her  explanation 
that  what  is  wrong  in  Belgium  and  in  Alsace  is  right  in  Ireland?  She  say3 
that  the  people  .of  Ireland  should  not  cry  out  for  liberty  because,  forsooth,  they 
are  to-day  enjoying  a  larger  measure  of  prosperity  than  they  formerly  had. 
Wliy  should  they  not  have  it?  Is  it  not  the  result  only  of  their  own  thrift, 
their  own  Industry,  their  own  labors? 

The  apologists  of  England  say  that  Ireland  did  an  immense  business  with 
that  country  last  year — that  this  is  a  sufficient  answer  to  Ireland’s  cry  that 
she  is  badly  governed !  How  typical  was  Clive  of  the  English  Government  of 
all  times  when  he  said,  after  he  had  been  accused  of  robbing  India  of  immense 
treasure,  that  when  he  saw  the  wealth  of  the  country  he  was  astonished  at  his 
own  moderation!  England’s  statesmen  feel  that  it  is  right  to  steal  Irish  sheep 
so  long  as  they  return  a  chop  to  the  Irish  owner. 

The  proposition  Is  an  insult  to  the  intelligence  and  conscience  of  the  world 
and  in  spite  of  the  marvelous  system  of  propaganda  wrhich  the  English  diplomat 
has  built  up,  he  can  not  prevent  the  cry  of  Ireland  for  freedom  from  resounding 
in  all  parts  of  the  world  and  coming  back  to  plague  him  until  it  is  satisfied 
by  having  justice  done  to  Ireland. 

The  English  governing  class  are  the  Bourbons  of  modem  days.  They  learn 
nothing,  forget  nothing.  Let  them  beware  lest  the  aroused  public  opinion  of 
mankind  shall  sweep  them  as  it  swept  their  German  and  Russian  cousins  into 
oblivion  and  break  into  bits  the  British  Empire,  which  is  the  last  bulwark  of 
autocracy  against  the  onrusliing  tide  of  liberty  and  democracy. 

Judge  Daniel  F.  Cohalan,  following  the  conclusion  of  his  oral 
argument,  by  permission  of  the  committee  was  authorized  to  have  in¬ 
corporated  as  a  part  of  the  testimony  presented  the  following: 


785 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 

• 

Ireland’s  Declaration  of  Independence  and  Other  Official  Documents. 

Including  Letters  to  the  President  of  the  Peace  Conference  and  the 

General  Memorandum  Submitted  in  Support  of  Ireland’s  Claim  for  Recog¬ 
nition  as  a  Sovereign  Independent  State. 

IRELAND’S  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE — PROCLAIMED  BY  DAEL  ETREANN,  JANUARY 

21,  1919. 

[Translation.] 

Whereas  the  Irish  people  is  by  right  a  free  people; 

And  whereas  for  700  years  the  Irish  people  has  never  ceased  to  repudiate  and 
has  repeatedly  protested  in  arms  against  foreign  usurpation ; 

And  whereas  English  rule  in  this  country  is,  and  always  has  been,  based  upon 
force  and  fraud  and  maintained  by  military  occupation  against  the  declared 
will  of  the  people ; 

And  whereas  the  Irish  republic  was  proclaimed  in  Dublin  on  Easter  Monday, 
191G,  by  the  Irish  republican  army,  acting  on  behalf  of  the  Irish  people ; 

And  whereas  the  Irish  people  is  resolved  to  secure  and  maintain  its  complete 
independence  in  order  to  promote  the  common  weal,  to  reestablish  justice,  to 
provide  for  future  defense,  to  insure  peace  at  home  and  good  will  with  all 
nations,  and  to  constitute  a  national  policy  based  upon  the  people’s  will,  with 
equal  right  and  equal  opportunity  for  every  citizen; 

And  whereas  at  the  threshold  of  a  new  era  in  history  the  Irish  electorate 
has  in  the  general  election  of  December,  1918,  seized  the  first  occasion  to  declare 
by  an  overwhelming  majority  its  firm  allegiance  to  the  Irish  republic; 

Now,  therefore,  we,  the  elected  representatives  of  the  ancient  Irish  people,  in 
national  parliament  assembled,  do,  in  the  name  of  the  Irish  nation,  ratify  tha 
establishment  of  the  Irish  republic,  and  pledge  ourselves  and  our  people  to  make 
this  declaration  effective  by  every  means  at  our  command. 

To  ordain  that  the  elected  representatives  of  the  Irish  people  alone  have 
power  to  make  laws  binding  on  the  people  of  Ireland,  and  that  the  Irish  parlia¬ 
ment  is  the  only  .parliament  to  which  that  people  will  give  its  allegiance. 

We  solemnly  declare  foreign  government  in  Ireland  to  be  an  invasion  of  our 
national  right,  which  we  will  never  tolerate,  and  we  demand  the  evacuation  of 
our  country  by  the  English  garrison ; 

We  claim  for  our  national  independence  the  recognition  and  support  of  every 
free  nation  of  the  world,  and  we  proclaim  that  independence  to  be  a  condition 
precedent  to  international  peace  hereafter; 

In  the  name  of  the  Irish  people  we  humbly  commit  our  destiny  to  Almighty 
God,  who  gave  our  fathers  the  courage  and  determination  to  persevere  through 
centuries  of  a  ruthless  tyranny,  and  strong  in  the  justice  of  the  cause  which 
tliey  have  handed  down  to  us,  we  ask  His  divine  blessing  on  this,  the  last  stage 
of  the  struggle  which  we  have  pledged  ourselves  to  carry  through  to  freedom. 


Ireland’s  message  to  the  nations. 

[Translation,] 

To  the  nations  of  the  world,  greeting: 

The  nation  of  Ireland,  having  proclaimed  her  national  independence,  calls, 
through  her  elected  representatives  in  parliament  assembled  in  the  Irish  capital 
on  January  21,  1919,  upon  every  free  nation  to  support  the  Irish  republic  by 
recognizing  Ireland’s  national  status  and  her  right  to  its  vindication  by  the 
peace  congress. 

Nationally,  the  race,  the  language,  the  customs,  and  traditions  of  Ireland  are 
radically  distinct  from  the  English.  Ireland  is  one  of  the  most  ancient  nations 
of  Europe,  and  she  has  preserved  her  national  integrity  vigorous  and  intact 
through  seven  centuries  of  foreign  oppression;  she  has  never  relinquished  her 
national  rights,  and  throughout  the  long  era  of  English  usurpation  she  has  in 
every  generation  defiantly  proclaimed  her  inalienable  right  of  nationhood  down 
to  her  last  glorious  resort  to  arms  in  1916. 

Internationally,  Ireland  is  the  gateway  to  the  Atlantic.  Ireland  is  the  last 
outpost  of  Europe  toward  the  west;  Ireland  is  the  point  upon  which  great 
trade  routes  between  east  and  west  converge;  her  independence  is  demanded 
by  the  freedom  of  the  seas;  her  great  harbors  must  be  open  to  all  nations, 
instead  of  being  the  monopoly  of  England.  To-day  these  harbors  are  empty 
and  idle  solely  because  English  policy  is  determined  to  retain  Ireland  as  a 


786 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY^ 


barren  bulwark  for  English  aggrandizement,  and  the  unique  geographical  posi¬ 
tion  of  this  island,  far  from  being  a  benefit  and  safeguard  to  Europe  and 
America,  is  subjected  to  the  purposes  of  England’s  policy  of  world  dominion. 

Ireland  to-day  reasserts  her  historic  nationhood  the  more  confidently  before 
the  new  world  emerging  from  the  war,  because  she  believes  in  freedom  and 
justice  as  the  fundamental  principles  of  international  law ;  because  she  believes 
in-  a  frank  cooperation  between  the  peoples  for  equal  rights  against  the  vested 
privileges  of  ancient  tyrannies,  because  the  permanent  peace  of  Europe  can 
never  be  secured  by  perpetuating  military  dominion  for  the  profit  of  empire, 
but  only  by  establishing  the  control  of  government  in  every  land  upon  the 
basis  of  the  free  will  of  a  free  people,  and  the  existing  state  of  war  between 
Ireland  and  England  can  never  be  ended  until  Ireland  is  definitely  evacuated 
by  the  armed  forces  of  England. 

For  these,  among  other  reasons,  Ireland — resolutely  and  irrevocably  de¬ 
termined  at  the  dawn  of  the  promised  era  of  self-determination  and  liberty, 
that  she  will  suffer  foreign  dominion  no  longer — calls  upon  every  free  nation 
to  uphold  her  national  claim  to  complete  independence  as  an  Irish  republic 
against  the  arrogant  pretensions  of  England  founded  in  fraud  and  sustained 
only  by  an  overwhelming  military  occupation,  and  demands  to  be  confronted 
publicly  with  England  at  the  congress  of  nations,  that  the  civilized  world 
naving  judged  between  English  wrong  and  Irish  right  may  guarantee  to  Ireland 
its  permanent  support  for  the  maintenance  of  her  national  independence. 


ieeland’s  democratic  program— proclaimed  by  dail  eireann. 

[Translation.] 

We  declare  in  the  words  of  the  Irish  Republican  Proclamation  the  right  of 
the  people  of  Ireland  to  the  ownership  of  Ireland  and  to  the  unfettered  control 
of  Irish  destinies  to  be  indefeasible,  and  in  the  language  of  our  first  president, 
Padraic  Pearse,  we  declare  that  the  nation’s  sovereignty  extends  not  only  to 
all  men  and  women  of  the  nation,  but  to  all  its  material  possessions ;  the 
nation’s  soil  and  ail  its  resources,  all  the  wealth  and  all  the  wealth-producing 
processes  within  the  nation ;  and  with  him  we  reaffirm  that  all  rights  to  pri¬ 
vate  property  must  be  subordinated  to  the  public  right'  and  welfare. 

We  declare  that  wTe  desire  our  country  to  be  ruled  in  accordance  with  the 
principles  of  liberty,  equality,  and  justice  for  all,  which  alone  can  secure  per¬ 
manence  of  government  in  the  willing  adhesion  of  the  people. 

We  affirm  the  duty  of  every  man  and  woman  to  give  allegiance  and  service 
to  the  commonwealth,  and  declare  it  is  the  duty  of  the  nation  to  assure  that 
every  citizen  shall  have  opportunity  to  spend  his  or  her  strength  and  faculies 
in  the  service  of  the  people.  In  return  for  willing  service,  we,  in  the  name  of 
the  republic,  declare  the  right  of  every  citizen  to  an  adequate  share  of  the 
produce  of  the  nation’s  labor. 

It  shall  be  the  first  duty  of  the  government  of  the  republic  to  make  pro¬ 
vision  for  the  physical,  mental,  and  spiritual  well-being  of  the  children,  to 
secure  that  no  child  shall  suffer  hunger  or  cold  from  lack  of  food  or  clothing 
or  shelter,  but  that  all  shall  be  provided  with  the  means  and  facilities  requisite 
for  their  proper  education  and  training  as  citizens  of  a  free  and  Gaelic  Ireland. 

The  Irish  republic  fully  realizes  the  necessity  of  abolishing  the  present 
odious,  degrading,  and  foreign  poor-law  system,  substituting  therefor  a  sympa¬ 
thetic  native  scheme  for  the  care  of  the  nation’s  aged  and  infirm,  who  shall  no 
longer  be  regarded  as  a  burden,  but  rather  entitled  to  the  nation’s  gratitude 
and  consideration.  Likewise  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  republic  to  take 
measures  that  wall  safeguard  the  health  of  the  people  and  insure  the  physical 
as  w'ell  as  the  moral  well-being  of  the  nation. 

It  shall  be  our  duty  to  promote  the  development  of  the  nation’s  resources, 
to  increase  the  productivity  of  the  soil,  to  exploit  its  mineral  deposis,  peat 
bogs,  and  fisheries,  its  waterways  and  harbors,  in  the  interest  and  for  the  benefit 
of  the  Irish  people. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  republic  to  adopt  all  measures  necessary  for  the 
re-creation  and  invigoration  of  our  industries,  and  to  insure  their  being  de¬ 
veloped  on  the  most  beneficial  and  progressive  cooperative  industrial  lines. 
With  the  adoption  of  an  extensive  Irish  consular  service,  trade  with  foreign 
nations  shall  be  revived  on  terms  of  mutual  advantage  and  good  will ;  while 
undertaking  the  organization  of  the  nation’s  trade,  import  and  export,  it  shall 
be  the  duty  of  the  republic  to  prevent  the  shipment  from  Ireland  of  food 
and  other  necessaries  until  the  wants  of  the  Irish  people  are  fully  satisfied 
and  the  future  provided  for. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


787 

It  shall  devolve  upon  the  national  government  to  seek  the  cooperation  of 
the  governments  of  other  countries  in  determining  a  standard  of  social  and 
Industrial  legislation  with  a  view  to  a  general  and  lasting  improvement  in  the 
conditions  under  which  the  working  classes  live  and  labor. 


LETTER  FROM  THE  IRISH  DELEGATES  APPOINTED  BY  DAIL  E1REANN  TO  PRESENT 

IRELAND’S  CASE. 

Mansion  House,  Dublin,  May  17,  1919. 

Monsieur  Clemenceau, 

President  of  the  Peace  Conference,  Paris. 

Sir  :  The  treaties  now  under  discussion  by  the  conference  of  Paris  will,  pre¬ 
sumably,  be  signed  by  the  British  plenipotentiaries  claiming  to  act  on  behalf  of 
Ireland  as  well  as  Great  Britain. 

Therefore  we  ask  you  to  call  the  immediate  attention  of  the  peace  confer¬ 
ence  to  the  warning  which  it  is  our  duty  to  communicate,  that  the  people  of 
Ireland,  through  all  its  organic  means  of  declaration,  has  repudiated  and  does 
now  repudiate  the  claim  of  the  British  Government  to  speak  or  act  on  behalf 
of  Ireland,  and  consequently  no  treaty  or  agreement  entered  into  by  the  repre¬ 
sentatives  of  the  British  Government  in  virtue  of  that  claim  is  or  can  be  bind¬ 
ing  on  the  people  of  Ireland. 

The  Irish  people  will  scrupulously  observe  any  treaty  obligation  to  which 
they  are  legitimately  committed ;  but  the  British  delegates  can  not  commit 
Ireland.  The  only  signatures  by  which  the  Irish  nation  will  be  bound  are 
those  of  its  own  delegates,  deliberately  chosen. 

We  request  you  to  notify  the  peace  conference  that  we,  the  undersigned,  have 
been  appointed  and  authorized  by  the  duly  elected  Government  of  Ireland  to 
act  on  behalf  of  Ireland  in  the  proceedings  of  the  conference  and  to  enter  into 
agreements  and  sign  treaties  on  behalf  of  Ireland. 

Accept,  sir,  the  assurance  of  our  great  esteem. 

Eamon  de  Yalera, 

Arthur  Griffith, 

George  Noble  Count  Plunkett. 


LETTER  FROM  THE  IRISH  DELEGATES  APPOINTED  BY  DAIL  EIREANN  TO  PRESENT 

IRELAND’S  CASE. 

Mansion  House,  Dublin,  May  26,  1919. 

Monsieur  Georges  Clemenceau, 

President  of  the  Peace  Co'nference,  Paris. 

Sir:  On  May  17  we  forwarded  to  you  a  note  requesting  you  to  warn  the 
conference  that  the  Irish  people  will  not  be  bound  by  the  signatures  of  English 
or  British  delegates  to  the  conference,  inasmuch  as  these  delegates  do  not 

represent  Ireland. 

We  now  further  request  that  you  will  provide  an  opportunity  for  the  con¬ 
sideration  by  the  conference  of  Ireland’s  claim  to  be  recognized  as  an  inde¬ 
pendent  sovereign  state. 

We  send  you  herewith  a  general  memorandum  on  the  case  and  beg  to  direct 
your  attention  in  particular  to  the  following: 

(1)  That  the  rule  of  Ireland  by  England  has  been  and  is  now  intolerable; 
that  it  is  contrary  to  all  conceptions  of  liberty  and  justice,  and  as  such,  on  the 
ground  of  humanity  alone,  should  be  ended  by  the  conference. 

(2)  That  the  declared  object  of  the  conference  is  to  establish  a  lasting  peace 
which  is  admittedly  impossible  if  the  legitimate  claims  of  self-determination 
of  nations  such  as  Ireland  be  denied. 

(3)  That  incorporated  with  the  peace  treaty  under  consideration  as  a  cove¬ 
nant  establishing  a  league  of  nations  intended  amongst  other  things  to  confirm 
and  perpetuate  the  political  relationships  and  conditions  established  by  the 
treaty.  It  is  clear  that  it  is  radically  unjust  to  seek  to  confirm  and  perpetuate 
what  is  essentially  wrong  and  that  it  is  indefensible  to  refuse  an  examination 
of  title  when  a  confirmation  of  possession  is  intended  such  as  that  provided 
by  the  draft  covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

'  Ireland  definitely  denies  that  England  or  Britain  can  show  any  just  claim 
or  title  to  hold  or  possess  Ireland  and  demands  an  opportunity  for  her  repre¬ 
sentatives  to  appear  before  the  conference  to  refute  any  such  claim. 

135549°— 19 - 3 


788 


TKEATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


We  feel  that  these  facts  are  sufficient  basis  to  merit  for  our  requests  the 
consideration  which  we  are  sure  you,  sir,  will  give  them. 

Please  accept,  Mr.  President,  the  assurance  of  our  great  esteem. 

Eamon  De  Valera, 

Arthur  Griffith, 

George  Noble  Count  Plunkett. 


LETTER  EROM  THE  IRISH  DELEGATES  APPOINTED  BY  DAIL  ERREANN  TO  PRESENT 

IRELAND’S  CASE. 

Mansion  House,  Dublin,  May  26,  1019 . 

To  the  Chairman, 

Council  of  League  of  Nations,  Paris. 

Sir:  The  Irish  people  share  the  view  that  a  lasting  peace  can  only  be  se¬ 
cured  by  a  world  league  of  nations  pledged,  when  a  clash  of  interests  occurs, 
to  use  methods  of  conciliation  and  arbitration  instead  of  those  of  force.  They 
are  consequently  desirous  that  their  nation  should  be  included  as  a  constituent 
member  of  such  a  league. 

Therefore,  we,  the  delegates  of  the  nation,  chosen  and  duly  authorized  for 
the  purpose  by  the  elected  National  Government  of  Ireland,  desire  to  intimate 
through  you  that  we  are  ready  to  take  part  in  any  conversations  and  discus¬ 
sions  which  may  be  necessary  in  order  that  the  foundations  of  the  league  may 
be  properly  laid,  and  we  ask  the  commission  to  provide  us  with  an  opportunity 
for  doing  so. 

Apart  from  the  general  grounds  of  right,  the  Irish  nation  has  a  special  and 
peculiar  interest  in  the  league  at  present  proposed. 

In  the  form  in  which  the  covenant  is  now  drawn  up  it  threatens  to  confirm 
Ireland  in  the  slavery  against  which  she  has  persistently  struggled  since  the 
English  first  invaded  her  shores,  and  to  pledge  the  rest  of  the  civilized  world, 
which  has  hitherto  done  us  no  wrong,  to  discountenance  in  future  our  just 
endeavors  to  free  ourselves  from  the  regime  of  implacable  and  brutal  oppression 
under  which  we  have  suffered  so  long. 

Ireland  is  a  distinct  and  separate  nation  with  individual  inalienable  rights 
which  any  league  of  nations  founded  on  justice  is  bound  to  recognize. 

Accept,  sir,  the  assurance  of  our  great  esteem. 

Eamon  De  Valera, 

Arthur  Griffith, 

George  Noble  Count  Plunkett. 


©’kelly’s  IJCTTEB  NO.  1  TO  PREMIER  CLEMENCEAU  AND  ALL  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE 

DELEGATES. 


Paris,  February  33^  1919. 

Sir:  As  the  accredited  envoy  of  the  provisional  government  of  the  Irish 
republic,  I  have  the  honor  to  bring  to  your  notice  the  claim  of  my  government, 
in  the  name  of  the  Irish  nation,  for  the  international  recognition  of  the  inde¬ 
pendence  of  Ireland,  and  for  the  admission  of  Ireland  as  a  constituent  member  of 
the  league  of  nations. 

The  Irish  people  seized  the  opportunity  of  the  general  election  of  December, 
1018,  to  declare  unmistakably  its  national  will ;  only  in  26  (out  of  105)  constitu¬ 
encies  of  the  country  was  England  able  to  find  enough  “  loyalists  "  to  return 
members  favorable  to  the  union  between  Ireland  and  Great  Britain;  for  the  re¬ 
maining  79  seats  the  electors  chose  as  members  men  who  believed  in  self-deter¬ 
mination  ;  of  these,  73  who  now  represent  an  immense  majority  of  the  people 
went  forward  as  republican  candidates,  and  each  of  these  republican  members 
has  pledged  himself  to  assert  by  every  means  in  his  power  the  right  of  Ireland 
to  the  complete  independence  which  she  demands,  under  a  national  republican 
government,  free  from  all  English  interferences. 

On  the  21st  of  January,  1919,  those  of  the  republican  members  whom  England 
had  not  yet  cast  into  her  prisons  met  in  the  Irish  capital  in  a  national  assembly, 
to  which,  as  the  only  Irish  parliament  de  jure,  they  had  summoned  all  Irish 
members  of  parliament;  on  the  same  day  the  national  assembly  unanimously 
voted  the  declaration  of  independence  appended  hereto  and  unanimously  issued 
the  message  to  the  free  nations,  likewise  appended. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


789 


The  national  assembly  has  also  caused  a  detailed  statement  of  the  case  of 
Ireland  to  be  drawn  up ;  that  statement  will  demonstrate  that  the  right  of  Ire¬ 
land  to  be  considered  a  nation  admits  of  no  denial,  and,  moreover,  that  that 
right  is  inferior  in  no  respect  to  that  of  the  new  States  constituted  in  Europe 
and  recognized  since  the  war ;  three  members,  Eamon  de  Valera,  Mr.  Arthur 
Griffith,  and  Count  Plunkett,  have  been  delegated  by  the  national  assembly  to 
present  the  statement  to  the  peace  congress  and  to  the  league  of  nations  com¬ 
mission  in  the  name  of  the  Irish  people. 

Accordingly,  I  have  the  honor,  sir,  to  beg  you  to  be  good  enough  to  fix  a  date 
to  receive  the  delegates  above  named,  who  are  anxious  for  the  earliest  possible 
opportunity  to  establish  formally  and  definitely  before  the  peace  conference 
and  the  league  of  nations  commission  now  assembled  in  Paris  Ireland’s  indisput¬ 
able  right  to  international  recognition  for  her  independence  and  the  propriety  of 
her  claim  to  enter  the  league  of  nations  as  one  of  its  constituent  members. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 

Your  obedient  servant. 


Sean  T.  O’Iyelly, 

Delegate  of  the  Provisional  Government  of  the  Irish  Republic. 


O’KELLY' s  LETTER — NO.  2. 


Paris,  March  31,  1910. 

To  Premier  Clemenceau  and  all  the  peace  conference  delegates. 

Sir:  On  behalf  of  the  Irish  nation,  whose  accredited  representative  I  am,  I 
beg  to  draw  your  attention,  and  through  you  the  attention  of  the  peace  con¬ 
ference,  to  the  following  statement  with  regard  to  Ireland : 

Ireland  is  a  nation  which  has  exercised  the  right  of  self-determination  in 
harmony  with  the  principles  formulated  by  President  Wilson  and  accepted  by 
the  belligerents  as  the  only  sure  foundation  for  a  world  peace.  It  is  not  only 
in  the  past  that  Ireland,  generation  after  generation,  has  striven  by  force  of 
arms  as  well  as  by  all  pacific  means  to  regain  her  national  freedom.  At  the 
general  election  last  December  the  Issue,  and  the  only  issue,  placed  before  the 
Irish  people  was  the  independence  of  their  country,  and  by  a  majority  of  more 
than  three  to  one  the  representatives  elected  by  the  constitutional  machinery 
of  the  ballot  box  are  pledged  to  the  abolition  of  English  rule  in  Ireland.  In 
none  of  the  small  nationalities  with  which  the  peace  conference  has  hitherto 
occupied  itself  is  the  unanimity  of  the  people  so  great;  in  none  has  the 
national  desire  for  freedom  been  so  great;  in  none  has  the  desire  for  freedom 
been  asserted  so  unmistakably  and  with  so  much  emphasis.  Following  upon 
the  general  election,  an  Irish  National  Assembly  has  met;  an  Irish  Republic 
has  been  constituted  and  proclaimed  to  the  world;  a  President  has  been  ap¬ 
pointed,  and  with  him  ministers  to  direct  different  departments  of  state;  a 
program  of  domestic  policy  has  been  issued ;  and  an  appeal  has  been  addressed 
to  the  nations  of  the  world  to  recognize  the  free  Irish  State  that  has  thu3 
been  recalled  to  life.  But  while  the  national  will  has  been  declared  and  the 
mechanism  of  free  government  is  ready,  the  former  is  being  stifled  and  the 
latter  paralyzed  by  England’s  ruthless  exercise  of  military  power.  The  Presi¬ 
dent  is  a  fugitive;  the  Irish  Parliament  is  forced  to  conduct  its  business  in 
secret ;  the  most  elementary  civil  rights  are  abrogated ;  the  courts-martial  are 
sitting  at  every  center;  and  the  gaols  are  filled  with  prisoners,  victims  of 
every  brutality  and  indignity,  whose  only  offense  is  that  they  have  sought  the 
freedom  of  their  native  land.  It  is  in  these  circumstances  that  the  Irish 
nation,  through  me,  addresses  the  peace  conference. 

Ireland  manifestly  comes  within  the  scope  of  the  principles  that  have  been 
indorsed  by  the  civilized  nations,  and  it  is  for  the  application  of  these  princi¬ 
ples  that  the  peace  conference  is  now  sitting.  Ireland  is  weak ;  England  is 
strong.  Ireland  in  every  possible  way  has  asserted  her  right  to  freedom,  which 
England,  by  sheer  militarism,  is  intent  now,  as  always  in  the  past,  to  destroy. 
It  is  only  by  the  exercise  of  tyrannical  power  that  Ireland’s  right  to  freedom 
can  be  denied.  It  is  to  the  great  principle  of  national  freedom,  represented  and 
embodied  in  the  peace  conference,  that  Ireland,  exhausted  by  the  cruelties  of 
English  rule,  her  population  annihilated  by  one-half  within  living  memory,  her 
industries  destroyed,  her  natural  resources  wasted,  her  civil  liberties  ended, 
her  chosen  leaders  proscribed  and  treated  as  felons,  now  makes  her  appeal. 


790 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


Article  10  of  tlie  draft  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations  is  framed  to  secure 
national  independence  against  the  aggression  of  an  external  power.  Its  terms 
are  as  follows : 

“  The  high  contracting  powers  undertake  to  respect  and  preserve  as  against 
external  aggression  the  territorial  integrity  and  existing  political  independence 
of  all  States  members  of  the  league.  In  case  of  any  eggression  or  in  case  of 
any  threat  or  danger  of  such  aggression  the  executive  council  shall  advise  upon 
the  means  by  which  this  obligation  shall  be  fulfilled.” 

Ireland,  as  a  nation  that  has  declared  its  independence  and  is  pledged  to  the 
principles  of  freedom,  justice,  and  peace,  desires  to  subscribe  to  the  covenant  of 
the  league  and  to  claim  as  against  England  the  protection  of  article  10.  I 
submit  to  the  conference  with  profound  respect  that  Ireland’s  claim  is  clear 
and  can  not  with  any  shadow  of  justice  be  refused.  Should  it  be  rejected,  the 
consequences  would  be  as  follows: 

1.  Ireland  henceforth  must  rely  for  her  deliverance  wholly  upon  her  own 
efforts.  No  such  rule  has  been  laid  down  with  regard  to  any  other  of  the 
smaller  nationalities  whose  emancipation  has  been  made  the  care  of  the  con¬ 
ference. 

2.  Nations  which  never  have  denied  the  right  of  Ireland  to  freedom  will 
deprive  themselves  for  the  future  of  the  power  of  countenancing  her  claim, 
and  will  in  consequence  be  bound,  for  the  first  time  in  history,  to  leave  her 
unaided  to  her  own  resources  as  indicated  in  the  preceding  paragraph. 

3.  Article  10  will  impose  upon  all  nations  as  a  condition  of  membership  of  the 
league  the  obligation  to  guarantee  to  Great  Britain  a  title  to  the  possession  of 
Ireland  and  dominion  over  the  Irish  people. 

Against  the  imposition  of  such  slavery  upon  Ireland,  and  especially  against 
the  giving  of  such  a  guaranty  of  title  to  Great  Britain,  I  enter  on  behalf  of  the 
people  of  Ireland,  in  whose  name  I  have  the  honor  to  speak,  the  most  emphatic 
protest. 

Great  Britain’s  title  to  Ireland  rests  solely  upon  “  the  militaiy  power  of  a 
nation  to  determine  the  fortunes  of  a  people  over  whom  they  have  no  right  to 
rule  except  the  right  of  force.” 

The  combined  guaranty  of  such  a  title  against  the  declared  protest  of  Ireland 
would  constitute  a  definite  denial  of  “  the  principle  of  justice  to  all  peoples  and 
nationalities  and  their  right  to  live  on  equal  terms  of  liberty  and  safety  with  one 
another,  whether  strong  or  weak,”  and  without  the  acceptance  of  that  principle 
“  no  part  of  the  structure  of  international  justice  can  stand.” 

The  guaranty  of  such  a  title  would  be  subversive  of  “  the  reign  of  law  based 
upon  the  consent  of  the  governed  and  sustained  by  the  organized  opinion  of 
mankind.’’ 

The  guaranty  of  such  a  title  would  constitute  recognition  of  the  right  of  a 
strong  power  to  serve  its  own  material  interest  and  advantage  through  the  exer¬ 
cise  of  its  “  exterior  influence  and  mastery.” 

The  guaranty  of  such  a  title  would  give  Great  Britain  a  warrant  to  make  a 
nation  weaker  than  herself  “  subject  to  her  purposes  and  interests.”  It  would 
confirm  the  claim  of  Great  Britain  to  rule  and  dominate  the  people  of  Ireland 
“  even  in  her  own  internal  affairs  by  arbitrary  and  irresponsible  force.” 

Any  guaranty  under  article  10  of  territorial  integrity  and  political  independ¬ 
ence  as  affecting  Ireland  can  rightly  enure  only  to  the  benefit  of  the  people  of 
Ireland  themselves. 

In  the  name,  therefore,  of  the  people  of  Ireland  I  ask  that  the  Irish  nation 
may  be  invited  to  give  their  adhesion  to  the  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations, 
and  that  membership  of  the  league — a  membership  available  under  article  7, 
even  to  colonies  who  have  freely  and  legislatively  subscribed  to  the  supremacy 
of  the  English  Imperial  Parliament — shall  not  be  denied  to  the  government 
of  a  free,  independent  Irish  republic. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 


Sean  T.  O’Kelly, 

Delegate  of  the  Provisional  Government  of  the  Irish  Republic. 


MEMORANDUM  IN  SUPPORT  OF  IRELAND’S  CLAIM  FOR  RECOGNITION  AS  A  SOVEREIGN 

INDEPENDENT  STATE. 

Ireland  is  a  nation  not  merely  for  the  reason,  which  in  the  case  of  other 
countries  has  been  taken  as  sufficient,  that  she  has  claimed  at  all  times  and  still 
claims  to  be  a  nation  but  also  because,  even  though  no  claim  were  put  forward 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY.  791 

on  her  behalf,  history  shows  her  to  be  a  distinct  nation  from  remotely  ancient 
times. 

For  over  a  thousand  years  Ireland  possessed  and  duly  exercised  sovereign 
independence  and  was  recognized  through  Europe  as  a  distinct  sovereign  state. 

The  usurpation  of  the  foreigner  has  always  been  disputed  and  resisted  by  the 
mass  of  the  Irish  people. 

At  various  times  since  the  coming  of  the  English  the  Irish  nation  has  exer¬ 
cised  its  sovereign  rights  as  opportunity  offered. 

The  hope  of  recovering  its  full  and  permanent  sovereignty  has  always  been 
alive  in  the  breasts  of  the  Irish  people,  and  has  been  the  inspiration  and  the 
mainspring  of  their  political  activities  abroad  as  well  as  at  home. 

English  statecraft  has  long  and  persistently  striven  in  vain  to  force  the  Irish 
people  to  abandon  hope.  The  English  policy  of  repression,  spiritual  and  mate¬ 
rial,  has  ever  been  active  from  the  first  intrusion  of  English  power  until  the 
present  day. 

English  policy  has  always  aimed  at  keeping  every  new  accretion  of  population 
from  without  separate  from  the  rest  of  the  nation,  and  a  cause  of  distraction 
and  weakness  in  its  midst. 

Nevertheless,  the  Irsh  nation  has  remained  one,  with  a  vigorous  conscious¬ 
ness  of  its  nationality,  and  has  always  succeeded  sooner  or  later  in  assimilating 
to  its  unity  every  new  element  of  the  population. 

The  Irish  nation  has  never  been  intolerent  toward  its  minorities  and  has 
never  harbored  the  spirit  of  persecution.  Such  barbarities  as  punishment  by 
torture,  witch  burning,  capital  punishment  for  minor  offenses,  etc.,  so  fre¬ 
quent  in  the  judicial  systems  of  other  countries,  found  no  recognition  in  Irish 
law  or  custom.  Twice  in  the  seventeenth  century — in  1642-1648  and  in  1689 — 
when,  after  periods  of  terrible  persecution  and  deprivation  of  lands  and  liberty, 
the  Irish  people  recovered  for  a  time  a  dominant  political  power,  they  worked 
out  in  laws  and  treaties  a  policy  of  full  religious  equality  for  all  dwellers  in  the 
island.  On  each  occasion  this  policy  of  tolerance  was  reversed  by  the  English 
power,  which,  on  recovering  its  mastery,  subjected  the  Irish  race  to  further 
large  confiscations  of  property,  restrictions  of  liberty,  and  religious  persecu¬ 
tions.  More  recently,  notwithstanding  the  English  policy  of  maintaining  as 
complete  a  severence  as  possible,  when  Irish  Protestants  became  attracted  to 
the  support  of  the  national  cause,  the  Catholics  of  Ireland  accorded  political 
leadership  to  a  succession  of  Protestant  leaders. 

The  Irish  have  long  been  a  thoroughly  democratic  people.  Through  their 
chosen  leaders,  from  O’Connell  to  Parnell,  they  have  provided  the  world  with 
a  model  of  democratic  organization  in  opposition  to  the  domination  of  privileged 
classes. 

If  Ireland,  on  the  grounds  of  national  right  and  proved  ability  to  maintain 
just  government,  is  entitled  to  recover  her  sovereign  independence — and  that 
is  her  demand — the  recognition  of  her  right  is  due  from  other  nations  for  the 
following  reasons : 

(1)  Because  England’s  claim  to  withhold  independence  from  Ireland  is  based 
on  a  principle  which  is  a  negation  of  national  liberty  and  subversive  of  inter¬ 
national  peace  and  order.  England  resists  Ireland’s  demand  on  the  ground 
that  the  independence  of  Ireland  would  be,  as  alleged,  incompatible  with  the 
security  of  England  or  of  Great  Britain  or  of  the  British  Empire.  Whether 
this  contention  is  well  or  ill  founded,  if  it  is  admitted,  then  any  State  is  justified 
in  suppressing  the  independence  of  any  nation  whose  liberty  that  State  declares 
to  be  incompatible  with  its  own  security.  An  endless  prospect  of  future  wars  is 
the  natural  consequence. 

(2)  Because  England’s  government  of  Ireland  has  been  at  all  times  and 
is  conspicuously  at  the  present  time  an  outrage  on  the  conscience  of  mankind. 

Such  a  government,  especially  in  its  modern  quasi-democratic  form,  is 
essentially  vicious.  Its  character  at  the  best  is  sufficiently  described  by  a 
noted  English  writer,  John  Stuart  Mill  (Representative  Government  (1861) 
chapter  18)  :  “The  Government  by  itself  has  a  meaning  and  a  reality,  but  such 
a  thing  as  government  of  one  people  by  another  does  not  and  can  not  exist. 
One  people  may  keep  another  as  a  warren  or  preserve  for  its  own  use,  a  place 
to  make  money  in,  a  human  cattle  farm,  to  be  worked  for  the  profit  of  its 
own  inhabitants.  But  if  the  good  of  the  governed  is  the  proper  business  of  a 
government  it  is  utterly  impossible  that  a  people  should  directly  attend  to  it.” 
Consequently  the  people  of  England  devolve  the  power  which  they  hold  over 
Ireland  upon  a  succession  of  satraps,  military  and  civil,  who  are  quite  irre¬ 
sponsible  and  independent  of  any  popular  control,  English  or  Irish,  and  repre- 


792 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 

sent  no  interest  of  the  Irish  people.  Recent  events  show  that  the  essential 
vices  of  the  government  are  as  active  now  as  in  former  times. 

(3)  Because  the  English  temper  toward  the  cause  of  Irish  national  liberty 
produces  atrocious  and  intolerable  results  in  Ireland.  Among  the  results  are 
a  depopulation  unexampled  in  any  other  country  however  badly  governed ; 
wholesale  destruction  of  industries  and  commerce ;  overtaxation  on  an  enormous 
scale ;  diversion  of  rents,  savings,  and  surplus  incomes  from  Ireland  to  England  ; 
opposition  to  the  utilization  by  the  Irish  people  of  the  economic  resources  of 
their  country,  and  to  economic  development  and  social 'improvement;  exploita¬ 
tion  of  Ireland  for  the  benefit  of  English  capitalists ;  fomentation  of  religious 
animosities;  repression  of  the  national  culture;  maintenance  of  a  monstrous 
system  of  police  rule,  by  which,  in  the  words  of  an  English  minister,  all 
Ireland  is  kept  “  under  the  microscope  ” ;  perversion  of  justice  by  making 
political  service  and  political  subservience  almost  the  sole  qualification  for 
judicial  positions ;  by  an  elaborate  corruption  of  the  jury  system  by  the  organi¬ 
zation  of  police  espionage  and  perjury,  and  the  encouragement  of  agents  provo¬ 
cateurs,  and  recently  and  at  present  by  using  for  the  purpose  of  political 
oppression  in  Ireland  the  exceptional  powers  created  for  the  purposes  of  the 
European  war.  Under  these  powers  military  government  is  established,  somo 
areas  being  treated  as  hostile  territory  occupied  in  ordinary  warfare;  a  war 
censorship  Is  maintained  over  the  press  and  over  publications  generally ; 
printing  offices  are  invaded  and  dismantled;  the  police  and  military  are  em¬ 
powered  to  confiscate  the  property  of  vendors  of  literature  without  any  legal 
process ;  persons  are  imprisoned  without  trial  and  deported  from  Ireland ;  Irish 
regiments  in  the  English  army  are  removed  from  Ireland,  and  a  large  military 
force,  larger  than  at  any  previous  time,  with  full  equipment  for  modern  war¬ 
fare,  has  been  maintained  in  Ireland;  civilians  are  daily  arrested  and  tried 
by  courts-martial  and  sentenced  to  long  terms  of  imprisonment. 

What  are  England’s  objections  to  Ireland's  independence? 

The  one  objection  in  which  English  statesmen  are  sincere  Is  that  which  has 
been  already  mentioned— that  the  domination  of  Ireland  by  England  is  neces¬ 
sary  for  the  security  of  England.  Ireland,  according  to  the  English  Navy 
League,  is  “  the  Heligoland  of  the  Atlantic,”  a  naval  outpost,  to  be  governed 
for  the  sole  benefit  of  its  foreign  masters.  This  claim,  if  it  is  valid,  justifies 
not  only  the  suppression  of  national  liberty,  but  also  the  weakening  of  Ireland 
by  depopulation,  repression  of  industry  and  commerce  and  culture,  mainte¬ 
nance  of  internal  discord,  etc.  It  can  also  be  held  to  justify  the  subjugation  of 
any  small  nation  by  a  neighboring  great  power. 

The  proximity  of  Ireland  to  England  furnishes  another  plea.  But  Ireland 
is  not  as  near  to  England  as  Belgium,  Holland,  Denmark,  etc.,  are  to  Germany, 
Norway  to  Sweden,  Portugal  to  Spain.  In  fact,  it  is  this  very  proximity  that 
makes  independence  necessary  for  Ireland  as  the  only  condition  of  security 
against  the  sacrifice  of  Irish  rights  to  English  interests. 

A  further  plea  is  that  England,  being  a  maritime  power,  her  safety  depend¬ 
ing  on  her  navy  and  her  prosperity  depending  on  maritime  commerce,  the 
domination  of  Ireland  is  for  her  a  practical  necessity — a  plea  involving  that 
Ireland’s  natural  harbors,  the  best  in  Europe,  must  be  kept  empty  of  mercan¬ 
tile  shipping,  except  for  such  shipping  as  carries  on  the  restricted  trade  be¬ 
tween  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

Ireland  can  not  admit  that  the  interests  of  one  country,  be  they  what  they 
may,  can  be  allowed  to  annul  the  natural  rights  of  another  counry.  If  England’s 
plea  be  admitted,  then  there  is  an  end  to  national  rights,  and  all  the  world  must 
prepare  to  submit  to  armed  interests  or  to  make  war  against  them. 

We  may  expect  also  to  find  the  plea  Insinuated,  in  some  specious  form  if  not 
definitely  and  clearly  made,  that  the  English  rule  In  Ireland  has  been  and  is 
favorable  to  the  peace,  progress,  and  civilization  of  Ireland.  We  answer  that, 
on  the  contrary,  English  rule  has  never  been  for  the  benefit  of  Ireland  and  has 
never  been  intended  for  the  benefit  of  Ireland ;  that  it  has  isolated  Ireland 
from  Europe,  prevented  her  development,  and  done  everything  in  its  power  to 
deprive  her  of  a  national  civilization.  So  far  as  Ireland  at  present  Is  lacking 
in  internal  peace,  is  behind  other  countries  in  education  and  material  progress, 
is  unable  to  contribute  notably  to  the  common  civilization  of  mankind,  these 
defects  are  the  visible  consequences  of  English  intrusion  and  domination. 

The  Irish  people  have  never  believed  in  the  sincerity  of  the  public  declarations 
of  English  statesmen  in  regard  to  their  “  war  aims,”  except  in  so  far  as  those 
declarations  avowed  England’s  part  in  the  war  to  have  been  undertaken  for 
England’s  particular  and  imperial  interests.  They  have  never  believed  that 


TEEATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GEEMANY. 


793 


England  went  to  war  for  the  sake  of  France  or  Belgium  or  Serbia,  or  for  the 
protection  or  liberation  of  small  nationalists,  or  to  make  right  prevail  against 
armed  might.  If  English  statesmen  wish  to  be  regarded  as  sincere  they  can 
prove  it  to  the  world  by  adandoning,  not  in  words  but  in  act,  the  claim  to 
subordinate  Ireland’s  liberty  to  England’s  security. 

Ireland’s  complete  liberation  must  follow  upon  the  application  of  President 
Wilson’s  principles.  It  has  not  resulted  from  the  verbal  acceptance  of  those 
principles ;  and  their  rejection  Is  Implied  In  the  refusal  to  recognize  for  Ireland 
the  right  of  self-determination.  Among  the  principles  declared  by  the  Presi¬ 
dent,  before  and  since  America  entered  the  war,  accepted  by  the  American 
people  and  adopted  by  the  spokesmen  of  the  chief  allied  powers,  we  cite  the 
following : 

“No  peace  can  rest  securely  on  political  or  economic  restrictions,  meant 
to  benefit  some  nations  and  cripple  or  embarrass  others.”  “  Peace  should 
rest  upon  the  rights  of  peoples,  not  on  the  rights  of  governments — the  rights 
of  peoples,  great  and  small,  weak  or  powerful ;  their  equal  right  to  freedom 
and  security  and  self-government,  and  to  participation,  upon  fair  terms, 
in  the  economic  opportunities  of  the  world.”  “  What  we  demand  in  this  war 
is  nothing  peculiar  to  ourselves.  It  is  that  the  world  be  made  fit  and  safe 
to  live  in,  and  particular  that  it  be  made  safe  for  every  peace-loving  nation, 
which,  like  our  own,  wishes  to  live  its  own  life,  determine  its  own  institu¬ 
tions,  be  assured  of  justice  and  fair  dealing  by  other  peoples  of  the  world, 
as  against  force  and  selfish  aggression.”  “An  evident  principle  runs  through 
the  whole  of  the  program  I  have  outlined.  It  is  the  principle  of  justice  to 
all  peoples  and  nationalities,  and  their  right  to  live  on  equal  terms  of  liberty 
and  safety  with  one  another,  whether  they  be  strong  or  weak.  Unless  this 
principle  be  made  the  foundation,  no  part  of  the  structure  of  international 
justice  can  stand.” 

Speaking  on  behalf  of  the  American  people  at  New  York  on  the  27th  of 
September,  1918,  President  Wilson  said : 

“  We  accepted  the  issues  of  the  war  as  facts,  not  as  any  group  of  men 
either  here  or  elsewhere  had  defined  them,  and  we  can  accept  no  outcome 
which  does  not  squarely  meet  and  settle  them.  These  issues  are  these: 

*  Shall  the  military  power  of  any  nation  or  group  of  nations  be  suffered  to 

determine  the  fortunes  of  peoples  over  whom  they  have  no  right  to  rule, 
except  the  right  of  force?  ’  ‘  Shall  strong  nations  be  free  to  wrong  weak 

nations  and  make  them  subject  to  their  purpose  and  Interest?  ’  ‘  Shall  peoples 
be  ruled  and  dominated,  even  in  their  own  internal  affairs,  by  arbitrary 
and  irresponsible  force,  or  by  their  own  will  and  choice?’  ‘Shall  there 
be  a  common  standard  of  right  and  privilege  for  all  peoples  and  nations, 
or  shall  the  strong  do  as  they  will,  and  the  weak  suffer  without  redress?’ 

*  Shall  the  assertion  of  right  be  haphazard  and  by  casual  alliance,  or  shall 

there  be  a  common  concert  to  oblige  the  observance  of  common  rights?’ 
No  man,  no  group  of  men,  chose  these  to  be  the  issues  of  the  struggle.  They 
are  the  issues  of  it,  and  they  must  be  settled — by  no  arrangement  or  compromise 
or  adjustment  of  interests,  but  definitely  and  once  for  all,  and  with  a  full 
and  unequivocal  acceptance  of  the  principle  that  the  interest  of  the  weakest 
is  as  safe  as  the  interest  of  the  strongest.  *  *  *  The  impartial  justice 

meted  out  must  involve  no  discrimination  between  those  to  whom  we  wish 
to  be  just  and  those  to  whom  we  do  not  wish  to  be  just.  It  must  be  a  justice 
that  plays  no  favorites  and  knows  no  standards  but  the  equal  rights  of  the 
several  peoples  concerned.” 

If  England  objects  to  the  application  of  those  principles  to  the  settlement  of 
the  ancient  quarrel  between  herself  and  Ireland,  she  thereby  testifies:  (1)  That 
her  international  policy  is  entirely  based  on  her  own  selfish  interest,  not  on  the 
recognition  of  rights  in  others,  notwithstanding  any  professions  to  the  contrary. 
(2)  That  in  her  future  dealings  with  other  nations  she  may  be  expected,  when  the 
opportunity  arises,  to  use  her  power  in  order  to  make  her  own  interest  prevail 
over  their  "rights.  (3)  That  her  particular  object  in  keeping  possession  of  Ire¬ 
land  is  to  secure  naval  and  mercantile  domination  over  the  seas,  and  in  particu¬ 
lar  over  the  North  Atlantic  and  the  nations  which  have  legitimate  maritime 
interests  therein ;  ruling  Ireland  at  the  same  time  on  a  plan  of  thoroughgoing  ex¬ 
ploitation  for  her  own  sole  profit,  to  the  great  material  detriment  of  Ireland, 
and  preventing  the  establishment  of  beneficial  intercourse,  through  commerce 
and  otherwise,  between  Ireland  and  other  countries. 

It  is  evident  that,  while  Ireland  is  denied  the  right  to  choose  freely  and  es¬ 
tablish  that  form  of  government  which  the  Irish  people  desire,  no  international 


794 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


order  can  be  founded  on  the  basis  of  national  right  and  international  justice  ;  the 
claim  of  the  stronger  to  dominate  the  weaker  will  once  more  be  successfully 
asserted ;  and  there  will  be  no  true  peace. 

It  must  be  recognized  that  Ireland  has  already  clearly  demonstrated  her  will. 
At  the  recent  general  election,  out  of  105  constituencies  73  returned  republican 
candidates,  and  6  returned  representatives  who,  though  not  republicans,  will 
not  oppose  the  free  exercise  of  self-determination  by  the  Irish  people.  Nor  Is 
there  the  slightest  likelihood  that  this  right  will  at  any  time  be  relinquished. 

The  Irish  people  are  thoroughly  capable  of  taking  immediate  charge  of  their 
national  and  international  affairs,  not  less  capable  than  any  of  the  new  States 
which  have  been  recognized  since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  or  which  are  about 
to  be  recognized ;  and  by  a  procedure  not  less  valid  than  has  been  held  good  for 
other  restored  or  newly  established  States,  they  have  already  formally  consti¬ 
tuted  a  national  government. 

The  effect  on  the  world  of  the  restoration  of  Ireland  to  the  society  of  free 
nations  can  not  fail  to  be  beneficial.  On  the  part  of  the  nations  in  general,  this 
fact  will  be  a  guarantee  of  the  new  international  order  and  a  reassurance  to  all 
the  smaller  nations.  On  the  part  of  England,  if  justice  to  Ireland  be  not 
“  denied  or  sold  or  delayed,”  the  fact  will  be  an  earnest  to  other  peoples,  espe¬ 
cially  to  those  whose  commerce  is  borne  upon  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  that  Eng¬ 
land’s  naval  power  is  not  hostile  to  the  rights  and  legitimate  interests  of  other 
countries. 

Ireland’s  voice  in  the  councils  of  the  nations  will  be  wholly  in  favor  of  peace 
and  justice.  Ireland  covets  no  possessions  and  makes  no  territorial  claims 
outside  of  her  own  well-defined  geographical  bounds.  Her  liberty  can  not 
infringed  on  that  of  any  other  people.  She  will  not  make  any  war  or  aggression 
or  favor  any.  In  remembrance  of  her  unexampled  progress  and  prosperity 
during  a  brief  period  of  legislative  but  not  executive  independence  (1782-1798), 
she  looks  forward  confidently  to  the  time  when  she  will  again  be  free  to 
contribute  to  the  prosperity  of  all  countries  in  commercial  relation  with  her. 

The  longest  agony  suffered  by  any  people  in  history  will  be  ended,  the  oldest 
standing  enmity  between  two  peoples  will  be  removed.  England  will  be 
relieved  of  the  disgrace  she  bears  in  the  eyes  of  all  peoples,  a  disgrace  not  less 
evident  to  the  remote  Armenian  than  to  her  nearest  continental  neighbors. 

In  proportion  as  Engand  gives  earnest  of  disinterestedness  and  good  will, 
in  like  proportion  shall  Ireland  show  her  readiness  to  join  in  with  England 
in  allowing  the  past  to  pass  into  history.  The  international  ambition  of 
Ireland  will  be  to  re-create  in  some  new  way  that  period  of  her  ancient  inde¬ 
pendence  of  which  she  is  proudest,  when  she  gave  freely  of  her  greatest  treas¬ 
ures  to  every  nation  within  her  reach,  and  entertained  no  thought  of  recompense 
or  of  selfish  advantage. 

Judge  Coilalan.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  the  pleasure  of  presenting 
to  the  committee  Hon  Frank  T.  Walsh,  who  went  over  to  the  other 
side  as  the  chairman  of  the  American  mission  on  Irish  independ¬ 
ence.  He  appeared  before  the  Paris  peace  conference  with  his  col¬ 
leagues,  Mr.  Ryan,  of  Philadelphia,  and  Gov.  Dunn,  of  Illinois,  for 
the  purpose  of  demanding  the  appearance  there  of  the  chosen  repre¬ 
sentatives  of  Ireland,  President  De  Valera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and  Count 
Plunkett.  The  committee  may  remember  that  he  was  with  President 
Taft,  the  former  joint  chairman  of  the  War  Labor  Board.  I  have 
great  pleasure  in  presenting  to  you  Hon.  Frank  P.  Walsh. 

STATEMENT  OF  HON.  FRANK  P.  WALSH. 

Mr.  Walsh.  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  to 
my  mind  the  issue  that  is  before  the  Senate  and  to  which  I  have 
tlie  privilege  of  addressing  myself  this  morning,  transcends  in  im¬ 
portance  any  issue  that  has  ever  been  presented  to  us  in  our  history 
of  nationhood.  I  do  not  except  from  that  the  great  issues  that 
brought  on  the  conflict  between  our  own  people,  the  question  of 
nullification,  the  question  of  black  slavery,  and  the  question  of  the 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


795 


right  of  secession,  because  I  see  in  what  is  going  on  here  a  situation 
of  menace  to  us  as  a  Nation — not  as  a  power,  but  integral  as  a 
Nation — such  as  we  have  never  been  confronted  with  before. 

It  was  conceivable  to  the  minds  of  the  men  who  wrote  our  Con¬ 
stitution  that  a  situation  might  arise  whereby  a  dictatorship  might 
be  asserted  in  this  country  by  some  person  who  had  secured  the 
favor  of  the  people  through  the  processes  laid  down  in  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  of  the  United  States.  It  was  conceivable  to  them  that  men 
might  be  weakened  by  flattery,  that  they  might  be  carried  away  by 
power  and  that,  perhaps,  especially  in  dealing  with  other  nations  of 
different  beliefs  and  different  concepts,  they  might  wander  away 
from  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  And  so  I  am  profoundly  thankful,  and  I  say  that  on  behalf 
of  those  whom  I  represent,  that  this  Senate  Committee  has  given  us 
a  hearing  to-day.  I  am  distressed  to  observe  that  there  is  not  a 
fuller  attendance  of  Senators,  and  yet  I  feel  that  I  should  go  on 
with  what  I  have  to  say  notwithstanding,  in  the  hope  that  as  my 
mind  was  brought  to  where  I  am  to-day,  perhaps  the  minds  of 
some  of  my  fellow  Democrats  may  be  so  brought,  and  that  we  may 
be  preserved  from  the  calamity  which  I  believe  is  about  to  overtake 
us,  if  it  be  not  checked  by  the  Senate.  Our  forefathers,  with  that 
in  mind,  provided  specifically  against  one-man  power  in  the  dealing 
with  other  nations.  They  provided  that  the  President  of  the  United 
States  had  authority  to  make  treaties  only  with  the  advice  and  con¬ 
sent  of  the  Senate,  and  then  only  when  two-thirds  of  those  present 
concurred  in  the  treaty.  It  is  our  hold,  our  democratic  hold,  on  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  that  I  believe  is  going  to  save 
us  and  save  more  than  one-half  of  the  world  from  being  plunged 
into  wars  such  as  have  not  been  comparable  in  our  history  before, 
and  which  will  occur  under  any  such  proposition.  We  have  now  more 
than  one-half  of  the  world  in  open  rebellion  against  the  other  half 
asserting  repressive  power,  among  which  would  be  under  the  present 
league  of  nations  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  So  the  people 
of  the  world  have  been  looking  to  this  constitution,  understanding 
its  strength  and  elasticity,  and  looking  to  the  Senate  to  save  them 
from  what  they  think  will  be  the  most  calamitous  event  in  the  history 
of  the  world. 

Might  I,  without  being  thought  to  put  a  personal  angle  on  what 
I  have  to  say,  describe  as  briefly  as  I  may  how  I  am  brought  to 
this  conclusion,  which  I  urge  upon  you.  Although  I  am  but  one 
humble  citizen  of  this  country,  in  appearing  before  you  gentlemen 
to  plead  the  cause  I  do,  I  do  so  with  a  feeling  of  solemnity  which 
I  have  never  before  felt  in  any  presence  in  my  life.  Perhaps  what 
I  say  about  myself  may  in  a  small  way  reflect  an  angle  on  the  public 
mind,  and  it  might  give  your  committee  perhaps  some  sort  of  idea 
if  I  can  make  myself  plain,  of  what  goes  to  make  up  the  composite 
mind.  Prior  to  our  entry  into  this  war  I  might  have  been  described 
as  a  pacifist.  I  know  that  this  finally  in  its  last  analysis  will  not 
be  a  political  question.  I  know  that  when  this  matter  is  settled  it 
is  going  to  be  settled  by  honorable  men  from  motives  of  the  loftiest 
patriotism.  Our  reactions  may  first  be  excused,  primarily  and  initi¬ 
ally,  for  running  along  party  lines,  because  we  are  a  party  gov¬ 
ernment,  but  in  great  questions,  we  stand  together.  That  is  evi¬ 
denced  by  the  support  that  the  gentlemen  in  whose  presence  I  have 


796 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


the  honor  to  speak  gave  the  President  of  the  United  States,  a  mem¬ 
ber  of  my  party,  during  the  dark  days  when  he  needed  support  in 
the  bitter  conflict  which  cost  us  so  many  precious  lives  and  billions 
of  dollars  of  our  treasure.  I  say  this  because  I  have  always  been  a 
Democrat,  and  I  like  to  call  myself  an  independent  Democrat,  and 
I  have  supported  every  Democratic  President  since  I  reached  my 
majority.  Prior  to  our  entry  into  this  war  I  was  a  believer  in  peace 
to  the  point  of  being  called  a  pacifist. 

I  believe  I  did  think  that  I  was  a  pacifist,  but  when  brought  face 
to  face  with  these  questions  I  found,  as  we  all  found,  that  there 
are  so  many  tilings  that  we  would  fight  for,  there  are  so  many  things 
that  if  physically  brave  enough  we  would  die  for,  that  the  pacifist 
so-called  in  this  country  was  a  negligible  quantity.  But  I  did  have 
that  point  of  view  to  an  extent  that  I  was  led  to  make  something 
like  78  speeches  on  the  theme  which  the  President  of  the  United 
States  gave  to  us,  that  he  kept  us  out  of  war,  and  I  want  to  say  to 
you  that  throughout  this  land  there  was  a  great  response  to  that 
thought.  On  account  of  certain  connections  I  have  had  in  an  official 
way — I  suppose  for  that  reason — I  was  sent  through  the  great 
Hocking  Valley  of  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania,  the  coal  valley,  and 
practically  with  unanimity  the  people  in  that  section  responded  to 
the  thought  that  we  were  traditionally  opposed  to  war,  that  we  were 
historically  opposed  to  entangling  ourselves  with  any  European  em¬ 
broilment  and  entanglements.  But  our  country  saw  fit  through  the 
regular  processes  to  declare  war,  and  I  say  that  I  speak  the  com¬ 
posite  mind  of  the  people  who  despise  war  in  this  country  when  I 
say  that  they  sprang  to  the  support  of  the  Government  because  under 
the  written  Constitution  laid  down  by  our  forefathers  they  agreed 
in  honor  to  do  so.  They  knew,  the  intelligent  ones  of  them,  that 
when  war  was  declared  by  this  country  the  President  of  the  United 
States  became  the  most  powerful  potentate  upon  the  face  of  the 
earth.  They  knew  or  thought  they  knew  that  he  needed  less  legis¬ 
lation  in  the  freest  country  in  the  world  to  perform  what  was  at 
his  hand,  namely,  to  provide  the  means  and  opportunity  for  winning 
this  war,  than  did  any  man  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  including  the 
late  Emperor  of  Germany;  and  we  did  it  purposely,  gentlemen  of 
the  committee — I  believe  our  forefathers  did — because  it  was  thought 
at  that  time  that  a  democracy,  a  government  founded  upon  Repub¬ 
lican  principles,  could  not  stand  against  an  autocracy  where  one 
man  had  autocratic  power,  so  it  was  provided,  and  wisely  provided, 
that  along  the  paths  of  peace  we  should  proceed  as  a  democracy, 
but  that  when  war  was  declared  we  wanted  all  of  the  power,  all 
of  the  drive,  all  of  the  concentration  that  the  most  powerful  po¬ 
tentate  on  the  face  of  the  earth  might  have  at  that  time. 

So  that  we  went  into  it  without  question.  I  believe  that  nothing 
that  was  done  by  any  man  in  this  war  was  a  sacrifice.  I  stood 
among  the  2,200  graves  of  those  American  citizens  at  the  edge  of 
Belleau  Wood,,  with  practically  every  name  on  every  cross  showing 
the  boy  or  the  man  was  of  Irish  or  German  origin,  because  there 
were  many  German  names  on  those  crosses,  and  I  knew  that  even 
they,  fighting  in  this  spirit  as  they  did,  would  not  say,  if  their  voice¬ 
less  lips  could  speak,  that  they  had  made  any  sacrifice.  They  did 
it  willingly,  cheerfully,  for  the  confederation  of  human  beings  that 
got  together  more  than  150  years  ago  to  declare  that  this  was  on8 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


797 


Government  that  would  never  foster  tyranny ;  that  it  was  one  Gov¬ 
ernment  that  would  always  remain  the  refuge  of  the  principles  of 
right,  and  that  when  it  was  threatened  or  that  when  its  representa¬ 
tives  thought  it  was  threatened,  their  answer  could  be  but  one  thing, 
to  give  up  all  they  had,  even  life,  for  this  Government. 

I  had  the  privilege  to  serve  my  Government  for  about  a  year,  or 
over  a  year,  in  a  capacity  that  brought  me  quite  in  touch  with  what 
might  be  called  the  masses  of  the  people  of  this  country.  Consider¬ 
ing  industrial  disputes  involving  something  over  3,000,000  people,  I 
saw  that  that  same  spirit  existed  among  the  working  people,  what 
we  are  pleased  to  call  the  masses,  the  common  people  of  this  country, 
and  that  that  same  intelligent  thought,  even  though  perhaps  they 
could  not  define  a  section  of  the  Constitution,  actuated  them,  that 
same  spirit  and  genius,  so  that  they  wTere  just  like  the  soldier  who 
went  abroad.  Therefore,  when  we  threw  the  weight  of  our  great 
resources  and  our  man  power  into  the  conflict,  we  obtained  the  re¬ 
sults  we  did.  I  used  the  words  “man  power”  as  I  do,  although  I 
despise  the  words,  because  I  know  that  man  power  is  talked  about 
by  the  Governments  of  Europe  as  meaning  only  the  skull  and  the 
brains  of  such  as  my  boy  who  sits  yonder.  It  means  the  disem¬ 
boweling  of  the  human  beings;  it  means  throwing  men  and  women 
to  their  death  by  the  words  usually  of  one  or  two  men.  But  that 
was  the  name  they  gave  to  it,  and  so  I  use  it.  We  threw  into  the 
conflict  the  man  power  of  this  country  and  the  matchless  resources 
that  won  this  war.  I  say  that,  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  not 
because  strategically  our  soldiers  made  a  fight  that  kept  the  enemy 
from  Paris,  not  because  with  a  dash  that  at  least  was  as  great  as 
that  of  the  most  seasoned  soldiers,  they  won  a  battle  at  certain  points 
and  turned  the  tide.  I  do  not  mean  that,  but  I  mean  that  when 
we  threw  in  our  mighty  resources  that  war  was  won'.  We  have 
enough  gained  to  pay  off  the  war  in  one  year’s  productivity.  We 
have  enough  now,  according  to  Government  figures,  to  pay  the  whole 
cost  of  the  war  in  the  increased  value  of  our  productivity  since  1914; 
so  that  if  a  country  marches  on  its  stomach  and  wins  by  the  last 
pound  of  wheat  or  the  last  pound  of  meat,  when  we  went  in,  we 
won  this  war. 

In  addition  to  being  opposed  to  war — and  I  want  to  say  that  my 
opposition  was  strengthened  by  walking  through  those  devastated 
fields  in  France — I  want  to  add  one  other  thought.  No  man  could 
see  the  bleaching  bones  of  his  own  kindred,  no  man  could  look  at 
those  rough  brogans  still  with  the  flesh  and  blood  in  them  of  the  liv¬ 
ing  men  who  walked  in  them  a  few  months  ago,  and  not  despise  war 
with  all  his  heart.  I  was  a  believer  likewise  in  a  league  of  nations. 
I  profoundly  believed  in  a  league  of  nations.  I  took  my  concep¬ 
tion  of  a  league  of  nations  from  what  our  great  President  has  said, 
and  I  want  to  say  at  this  moment  again,  according  him  very  great 
respect  for  his  great  ability  and  for  the  work  that  he  has  done  for 
this  country  up  until  this  time,  that  the  best  friend  that  he  has  in 
the  United  States  is  the  man  who  will  stand  up  and  preserve  him 
from  the  wreck  of  the  great  mistake  that  he  seems  about  to  make 
after  coming  from  Paris. 

I  followed  his  concept,  and  I  was  and  am  in  favor  of  that 
much-talked-of  thing,  a  league  of  nations,  a  league  of  nations  that 
will  let  every  nation  upon  the  earth  take  part  in  it,  to  begin  with 


798 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


national  disarmament,  the  absolute  freedom  of  the  seas,  and  the 
much-talked-of  open  covenants  openly  arrived  at,  and  the  abolition 
of  secret  treaties.  It  was  not  an  ideal  thing.  I  say  that  it  was  the 
whole  basis  of  any  league  of  nations  that  would  prove  effective.  It 
was  the  parting  of  the  ways  between  secret  diplomacy,  and  open 
covenants  that  a  free  people  could  understand  and  act  upon  intel¬ 
ligently,  as  I  know  you  are  trying  to  act  upon  this  question  to-day. 
I  believed  that  such  a  league  of  nations  was  possible,  and  I  so 
abhorred  war  that  I  gave  what  strength  I  had  to  the  formation 
of  such  a  league.  Having  been  a  humble  member'of  the  League  to 
Enforce  Peace,  after  the  armistice  was  signed  I  accepted  a  position 
upon  the  executive  committee  of  that  body,  and  took  part  in  the 
nation-wide  tour  for  a  league  of  nations. 

Senator  Boraii.  Did  you  travel  with  Mr.  Taft  for  a  while? 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  did.  I  traveled  as  far  as  Chicago  with  him. 
From  there  I  went  to  St.  Louis  and  he  went  in  another  direction, 
and  I  will  say  that  I  was  in  accord  with  Mr.  Taft  and  Dr.  Lowell 
and  others  who  spoke  with  him  upon  this  general  proposition,  and 
I  believe  at  heart  if  I  understand  them  I  am  in  accord  with  them 
to-day;  and  perhaps  if  I  can  get  to  it  as  I  hurry  through  I  mav 
show  the  point  of  departure,  and  hope  that  the  rest  of  them  will 
depart  at  the  same  point.  [Applause.] 

It  was  thrown  in  my  way  to  go  to  Paris.  I  might  say  here,  al¬ 
though  it  is  nothing  to  be  proud  of  or  to  be  ashamed  of,  that  I 
have  not  given  as  much  attention  to  the  so-called  Irish  question 
that  formerly  existed  as  some  of  these  gentlemen  have  who  appear 
with  me  here  to-day.  I  was  not  a  member  of  any  society  that  had 
for  its  object  help  to  Ireland,  but  I  was  called  into  this  by  the 
gentlemen  who  organized  the  Irish  race  convention.  My  ancestry 
was  Irish,  every  bit  of  it.  This  appeals  to  me  as  an  American 
proposition.  It  occurred  to  me  that  if  the  case  of  Ireland  so 
splendidly  described  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  could 
be  given  to  the  world,  if  it  could  be  understood  that  that  was  what 
we  fought  for,  the  greatest  advance  could  be  made  by  our  country, 
and  the  greatest  evidence  could  be  given  of  our  entire  good  faith 
in  this  enormous  and  awesome  enterprise  upon  which  we  had 
entered,  so  that  I  went  in  as  the  representative  and  as  the  chairman 
of  the  committee  of  the  American  Commission  on  Irish  Independ¬ 
ence  from  the  Irish  race  convention.  We  have  here,  gentlemen  of 
the  committee,  and  have  given  you  a  copy  of,  all  the  correspondence 
that  we  had  with  all  persons  while  in  Paris.  We  have  given  you  a 
splendid  copy  of  the  report  on  conditions  in  Ireland.  We  have 
addressed  a  letter  to  your  honorable  chairman,  a  copy  of  which 
is  on  the  first  page  of  the  brown-covered  pamphlet  in  which  we 
have  embodied  this  correspondence.  In  addition  to  that  we  had 
interviews  with  every  member  of  the  American  Commission  to 
Negotiate  Peace.  Some  of  them  we  believe  to  be  very  significant, 
and  we  wanted  to  give  the  full  text  of  those  interviews  in  an 
executive  session  of  this  committee,  because  I  believed  there  were 
matters  in  it  that  ought  not  to  be  made  public,  that  would  be 
embarrassing  to  some  gentlemen  if  they  were  made  public,  but  we 
will  offer  them  to  an  executive  meeting  of  this  committee  or  to 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  if  called  upon. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY.  799 

Senator  Moses.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  that  these  communications 
be  received  and  printed  as  a  confidential  committee  document. 

The  Chairman.  If  there  be  no  objection  it  will  be  so  ordered. 

Mr.  Walsh.  We  wTere  sent  to  Paris  and  we  went  there  with  the 
commission  of  these  5,132  men  and  women,  with  this  idea. 

Senator  Johnson  of  California.  Just  a  moment,  Mr.  Walsh. 

The  Chairman.  The  Senator  from  California. 

Senator  Johnson  of  California.  I  want  to  suggest  to  you,  Mr. 
Chairman,  that  the  hearings  of  this  committee  have  all  been  open. 
We  have  endeavored  to  make  a  departure  from  the  rules  that  liavo 
prevailed  heretofore,  and  to  act  in  the  open;  to  observe  one  of  the 
14  points,  that  of  open  covenants  of  peace  openly  arrived  at. 

I  think  these  communications,  if  printed,  ought  to  be  open  to  the 
public  as  well  as  to  the  United  States  Senate.  (Applause.)  I  want 
to  amend  the  motion  made  by  the  Senator  from  New  Hampshire 
(Mr.  Moses)  or  to  substitute  for  it  the  motion  that  the  communi¬ 
cations  be  received,  be  accepted,  and  be  printed  as  a  part  of  our 
record  of  the  proceedings. 

Senator  Moses.  I  accept  that  substitute,  Mr.  Chairman. 

The  Chairman.  The  question  is  on  the  substitute. 

Senator  Boraii.  What  are  these  communications? 

Mr.  Walsh.  The  communications  are  the  interviews  which  we  had 
with  the  members  of  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 
including  the  President. 

Senator  Fall.  Mr.  Chairman,  this  commission  waited  upon  the 
President  of  the  United  States  and  there  declined  to  receive  from 
him  any  confidential  information  which  they  could  not  impart  to 
the  people  of  the  United  States.  If  the  committee  could  not  con¬ 
scientiously  receive  information  of  that  character  from  the  Presi¬ 
dent  of  the  United  States — and  I  was  one  who  would  not  have  at¬ 
tended  the  conference  had  it  not  been  open,  I  must  decline — and  I 
had  intended  to  so  state  later — to  keep  anything  confidential  from 
the  people  of  the  United  States  which  it  is  their  business  to  know. 

Senator  Swanson.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  submit  that  this  matter  ought 
to  come  later,  because  it  was  understood  that  we  would  have  nothing 
but  hearings  this  morning. 

Senator  Fall.  This  is  a  part  of  the  hearing,  Mr.  Chairman. 

The  Chairman.  The  question  is  on  the  motion  for  the  printing 
of  these  documents. 

Senator  Fall.  That  will  leave  them  at  liberty  to  present  them 
under  those  conditions,  if  they  desire  to  do  so. 

The  Chairman.  If  they  are  submitted,  I  think  they  ought  to  be 
published  as  a  part  of  the  record. 

Senator  Fall.  I  simply  wanted  to  serve  notice  that  I  would  nor 
regard  the  information  as  confidential  if  it  was  submitted. 

Senator  Knox.  Put  the  question. 

The  Chairman.  The  question  is,  shall  these  documents  referred 
to  by  Mr.  Walsh  be  printed  as  a  part  of  the  record,  as  submitted 
by  him. 

(The  question  was  taken  and  the  motion  was  agreed  to.) 

(Other  documents  referred  to  are  here  printed  in  full,  as  follows:) 


800 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


Correspondence  in  Case  of  Ireland's  Claim  for  Independence  Between 
American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence — American  Commission  to 
Negotiate  Peace  and  Representatives  of  Other  Governments. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Office  of  Chairman, 

211/2  Woolworth  Building,  August  26,  1919. 


Uml  IIenry  Cabot  Lodge, 

Chairman  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  United  States  Senate, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

D^ar  Sir  :  We  beg  to  hand  yon  herewith,  for  consideration  of  your  honorable 
committee,  copies  of  all  corrspondence  between  the  American  *Commision  ou 
Irish  independence,  the  American  Commission  to  negotiate  Peace,  and  the  rep¬ 
resentatives  of  other  Governments,  at  Paris,  between  the  dates  of  April  1G,  1919, 
and  June  27,  1919,  inclusive. 

We  likewise  beg  leave  to  inform  your  honorable  body  that,  in  addition  to  this 
correspondence,  we  had  personal  interviews  with  all  of  the  members  of  the 
American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace. 

Immediately  at  the  close  of  such  interviews,  the  substance  of  the  same  were 
dictated  to  stenographers,  and  full  transcripts  of  the  important  ones  preserved. 

On  account  of  the  subject  matter  of  certain  of  them,  we  do  not  consider  it 
proper  to  offer  the  same  at  a  pubiic  hearing.  If  your  honorable  body  desires 
the  information,  however,  we  shall  be  glad  to  submit  the  full  text  of  the  inter¬ 
views  to  you  la  executive  session. 

With  assuranpa  of  our  high  respect  and  esteem,  we  are, 

Sincerely, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman, 

Michael  J.  Ryan, 

Edward  F.  Dunne. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Hotel  Grand, 

Paris,  France,  April  16,  1919. 

The  President  of  the  United  States, 

Parts. 

Dear  Mb.  President:  We  beg  to  advise  you  that  in  pursuance  of  the  commis¬ 
sion  given  us  by  the  Irish  race  convention  held  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia  on 
February  22,  1919,  we  were,  amoog  other  things,  instructed  to  obtain,  if  pos¬ 
sible,  for  the  delegates  selected  by  the  people  of  Ireland,  a  hearing  at  the  peace 
conference. 

The  delegates  so  selected  are  Messrs  Eamon  de  Valera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and 
Count  Plunkett. 

If  these  gentlemen  were  furnished  safe  conduct  to  Paris  so  that  they  might 
present  their  case,  we  feel  that  our  mission  would  be,  in  the  main  if  not 
entirely,  accomplished. 

May  we  therefore  ask  you  to  obtain  from  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  or  whomsoever 
may  be  Intrusted  with  the  specific  details  of  such  matters  by  the  English  Gov¬ 
ernment,  safe  conduct  for  Messrs,  de  Valera,  Griffith,  and  Plunkett  from  Dublin 
to  Paris. 

If  you  could  see  your  way  clear  to  do  this,  we  feel  sure  that  it  would  meet 
with  the  grateful  appreciation  of  many  millions  of  our  fellow  citizens,  would 
certainly  facilitate  the  object  of  our  mission,  and  place  us  under  additional 
great  and  lasting  obligation  to  you. 

It  would  afford  us  the  utmost  pleasure  to  call  upon  you  In  person  in  order 
that  we  might  pay  our  respects  as  well  as  make  a  brief  suggestion  as  to  the 


subject  matter  of  this  letter,  provided  such  course  meets  with  your  approval 
and  convenience. 

With  assurances  of  our  continued  high  consideration  and  esteem,  as  always. 
Sincerely,  yours, 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 
Michael  J.  Ryan. 

Edward  F.  Dunne. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


801 


The  President  of  the  United  States  of  America, 

Grand  Hotel, 
Paris ,  April  17,  191b. 


Mr 

letter 

Unis, 


Mr. 


Dear  Mr.  Walsh  :  The  President  asks  me  to  say,  in  reply  to  your  recent 
that  he  would  be  very  glad  to  see  you  at  his  residence,  11  Place  des  Etats 
at  5.30  o’clock  this  afternoon,  Thursday. 

Sincerely,  yours, 

Gilbert  F.  Close, 

Confidential  Secretary  to  the  President. 

Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Grand  Hotel ,  raris. 


American  Commission  of  Irish  Independence, 

Grand  Hotel, 
Parts,  May  17,  1919. 


Hon.  Robert  Lansing, 

Secretary  of  State  and  American  Commissioner  to  Negotiate  Peace. 


Sir:  On  behalf  of  and  representing  the  Irish  race  convention  held  in  Phila¬ 
delphia  on  February  22,  3919,  we  very  respectfully  request  your  good  offices 
to  procure  from  the  British  Government  a  safe  conduct  from  Dublin  to  Paris 
and  return  for  Eamon  de  Valera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and  George  Noble  Count 
Plunkett,  the  elected  representatives  of  the  people  of  Ireland,  so  that  they  may 
in  person  present  the  claims  of  Ireland  for  international  recognition  as  a 
republic  to  the  peace  conference. 

As  you  know,  the  British  Government  assented  to  our  going  to  Ireland ;  we 
went  there  for  the  purpose  of  conferring  with  the  representatives  of  the  Irish 
people  and  ascertaining  for  ourselves  at  first  hand  the  conditions  prevailing 
in  that  country.  We  have  returned  therefrom  and  are  now  more  desirous  than 
ever  that  the  authorized  representatives  of  Ireland  shall  be  given  the  oppor¬ 
tunity  to  appear  and  present  the  case  of  that  country  to  the  representatives 
of  the  assembled  nations. 

Awaiting  the  favor  of  an  early  reply,  we  remain, 

Very  truly,  yours, 


Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman . 


Edward  F.  Dunne. 
Michael  J.  Ryan. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Suite  760,  Grand  Hotel, 

Paris,  May  20,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  President  :  Following  the  interview  courteously  accorded  by  you  to 
the  chairman  of  our  delegation  on  the  17th  ultimo,  Col.  House  made  the  follow¬ 
ing  request  of  Mr.  Lloyd-George : 

“  That  safe  conduct  be  given  by  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  from  Dublin 
to  Paris  and  return  for  Eamon  de  Valera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and  George  Noble 
Count  Plunkett,  the  representatives  selected  by  the  people  of  Ireland  to  present 
its  case  to  the  peace  conference.” 

Upon  the  day  following  Col.  House  conveyed  the  information  to  us  that  Mr. 
Lloyd-George  was  willing  to  comply  with  such  request,  but  desired  an  interview 
with  the  American  delegates  before  doing  so,  and  that  it  was  the  desire  of  Mr. 
Lloyd-George  that  arrangements  for  the  meeting  with  him  be  made  through 
Mr.  Philip  Kerr,  private  secretary  to  Mr.  Lloyd-George. 

After  two  tentative  dates  had  been  set  by  Mr.  Kerr  for  the  meeting  with 
Mr.  Lloyd-George,  and  not  yet  having  met  him,  we  were  advised  by  Col.  House 
to  repeat  our  original  request  in  writing  to  the  honorable  Secretary  of  State, 
Mr.  Robert  Lansing,  which  we  did  upon  the  17th  instant. 

At  this  moment  we  have  been  informed  by  the  private  secretary  of  Mr. 
Secretary  Lansing  that  our  request  has  been  referred  to  you. 

May  we  not  therefore  respectfully  ask  of  you  that  the  undersigned,  our  full 
delegation,  be  given  an  opportunity  to  present  to  you  in  person  in  as  brief 
manner  as  consistent  with  the  importance  of  the  case  suggestions  which  Messrs, 
de  Valera,  Griffith,  and  Plunkett,  the  representatives  aforesaid,  have  asked  us 
to  convey  to  you,  together  with  certain  facts  of  grave  import  now  In  our 
possession. 


802 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


May  we  also  take  the  liberty  of  suggesting,  in  view  of  existing  conditions  In 
Ireland  (which  can  not  and  will  not  be  denied),  that  to  foreclose  its  case  by 
refusing  a  hearing  to  its  representatives  at  this  time  would  be  disconsonant 
with  the  declared  purpose  for  which  the  war  was  prosecuted  and  out  of  harmony 
with  the  common  principles  of  democracy. 

We  would  gratefully  appreciate  a  response  at  your  convenience,  and  with 
assurances  of  our  continued  high  regard. 

Sincerely, 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman . 

Edward  F.  Dunne. 

Michael  J.  Ryan. 

To  the  President  of  the  United  States, 

Paris. 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris ,  21  May,  1919. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Walsh  :  The  President  asks  me  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
the  letter  of  May  20  signed  by  yourself,  Gov.  Dunne,  and  Mr.  Ryan  and  to 
say  that  he  has  taken  the  matter  up  with  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  that  by 
the  President’s  direction,  Mr.  Lansing  will  reply  to  it. 

Sincerely,  yours, 

Gilbert  F.  Close, 

Confidential  Secretary  to  the  President. 

lion.  Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Suite  7 60,  Grand  Hotel,  PaHs. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris,  May  22,  1919. 

The  original  of  the  following  letter  was  to-day  handed  to  M.  Clemenceau’s 
secretary  at  the  foreign  office,  Quai  d’Orsay,  Paris,  by  Sean  T.  O’Ceallaigh, 
envoy  of  the  Irish  republican  government  at  Paris,  and  copies  were  handed 
personally  by  Mr.  Frank  P.  Walsh,  chairman  of  the  American  Commission  on 
Irish  Independence,  to  President  Wilson,  Col.  House,  Secretary  of  State  Lan¬ 
sing,  Mr.  White,  and  Gen.  Bliss,  the  members  of  the  American  Commission  to 
Negotiate  Peace: 

“  Mansion  House,  Dublin,  May  17,  1919. 

“  To  M.  Clemenceau, 

“  President  of  the  Peace  Conference  of  Paris. 

“  Sir  :  The  treaties  now  under  discussion  by  the  conference  of  Paris  will, 
presumably,  be  signed  by  the  British  plenipotentiaries  claiming  to  act  on  behalf 
of  Ireland  as  well  as  of  Great  Britain. 

“  Therefore  we  must  ask  you  to  call  the  immediate  attention  of  the  peace 
conference  to  the  warning  which  it  is  our  duty  to  communicate,  that  the  people 
of  Ireland,  through  all  its  organic  means  of  declaration,  has  repudiated  and 
does  now  repudiate  the  claim  of  the  British  Government  to  speak  or  act  on 
behalf  of  Ireland,  and  consequently  that  no  treaty  or  agreement  entered  into 
by  the  representatives  of  the  British  Government  in  virtue  of  that  claim  is  or 
can  be  binding  on  the  people  of  Ireland. 

“  The  Irish  people  will  scrupulously  observe  any  treaty  obligation  to  which 
they  are  legitimately  committed ;  but  the  British  delegates  can  not  commit 
Ireland.  The  only  signatures  by  which  the  Irish  nation  will  be  bound  are 
those  of  its  own  delegates  deliberately  chosen. 

“We  request  you  to  notify  the  peace  conference  that  we  the  undersigned 
have  been  appointed  and  authorized  by  the  duly  elected  national  government 
of  Ireland  to  act  on  behalf  of  Ireland  in  the  proceedings  of  the  conference  and 
to  enter  into  agreements  and  sign  treaties  on  behalf  of  Ireland. 

“  Accept,  sir,  the  assurance  of  our  high  esteem, 

“  Eamon  de  Valera, 

“  Arthur  Griffith, 

“  Count  George  Noble  Plunkett.” 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


803 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Grand  Hotel ,  Paris,  May  22,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  President  :  The  following  communication  has  this  day  been  trans¬ 
mitted  to  M.  Clemenceau,  president  of  the  peace  conference : 

“Mansion  House,  Dublin,  May  17,  1919. 

“  To  M.  Clemenceau, 

“ President  of  the  Peace  Conference  of  Paris. 

“  Sir  :  The  treaties  now  under  discussion  by  the  conference  of  Paris  will,  pre¬ 
sumably,  be  signed  by  the  British  plenipotentiaries  claiming  to  act  on  behalf 
of  Ireland  as  well  as  of  Great  Britain. 

“  Therefore  we  must  ask  you  to  call  the  immediate  attention  of  the  peace 
conference  to  the  warning  which  it  is  our  duty  to  communicate,  that  the  people 
of  Ireland,  through  all  its  organic  means  of  declaration,  has  repudiated  and 
does  now  repudiate  the  claim  of  the  British  Government  to  speak  or  act  on 
behalf  of  Ireland,  and  consequently  that  no  treaty  or  agreement  entered  into 
by  the  representatives  of  the  British  Government  in  virtue  of  that  claim  is  or 
can  be  binding  on  the  people  of  Ireland. 

“  The  Irish  people  will  scrupulously  observe  any  treaty  obligation  to  which 
they  are  legitimately  committed ;  but  the  British  delegates  can  not  commit  Ire¬ 
land.  The  only  signatures  by  which  the  Irish  Nation  will  be  bound  are  those 
of  its  own  delegates  deliberately  chosen. 

“  We  request  you  to  notify  the  peace  conference  that  we  the  undersigned  have 
been  appointed  and  authorized  by  the  duly  elected  national  government  of 
Irland  to  act  on  behalf  of  Ireland  in  the  proceedings  of  the  conference  and  to 
enter  into  agreements  and  sign  treaties  on  behalf  of  Ireland. 

“  Accept,  sir,  the  assurance  of  our  high  esteem. 

“(Signed)  Eamon  de  Valera, 

“(Signed)  Arthur  Griffith, 

“(Signed)  Count  George  Noble  Plunkett.” 

At  .the  suggesion  of  President  de  Valera,  we  desire  to  call  the  same  to  your 
attention.  We  trust  that  the  justice  of  the  demand  from  the  standpoint  of  de¬ 
mocracy  as  well  as  of  fundamental  human  rights,  may  lead  you  to  throw  the 
weight  of  your  influence  in  its  favor. 

Sincerely, 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman, 
Edward  T.'  Dunn, 

Michael  J.  Byan. 

To  the  President  of  the  United  States. 


Commissioner  Plenipotentiary  of  the 

United  States  of  America, 

Paris,  May  22,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  Walsh  :  I  have  duly  received  the  letter  dated  the  22d  which  you 
have  been  so  good  as  to  write  me. 

Yours,  sincerely, 

( Signed )  Henry  White. 

Hon.  Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris. 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Hotel  de  Crillon,  Paris,  May  24,  1919. 

Sir:  I  have  received  the  letter  which  you  and  Messrs.  Dunne  and  Ryan 
addressed  to  me  on  May  16th  regarding  the  issuing  of  safe-conducts  by  the 
British  Government  to  Eamon  de  Valera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and  George  Noble 
Count  Plunkett,  in  order  that  they  may  proceed  from  Ireland  to  France  and 
return,  and  I  immediately  took  steps  to  acquaint  myself  with  the  facts  of  the 
case,  which  transpired  before  the  matter  was  brought  to  my  attention  by  your 
above-mentioned  letter. 

I  am  informed  that  when  the  question  of  approaching  the  British  authorities 
with  a  view  to  procuring  the  safe-conducts  in  question  was  first  considered 
every  effort  was  made,  in  an  informal  way,  to  bring  you  into  friendly  touch 
with  the  British  representatives  here,  although  owing  to  the  nature  of  the 
case  it  was  not  possible  to  treat  the  matter  officially.  The  British  authorities 
having  consented  that  you  and  your  colleagues  should  visit  England  and  Ireland, 


135549°— 19 - 4 


804 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


although  your  passports  were  only  good  for  France,  every  facility  was  given 
to  you  to  make  the  journey.  Before  your  return  to  Paris,  however,  reports 
were  received  of  certain  utterances  made  by  you  and  your  colleagues  during 
your  visit  to  Ireland.  These  utterances,  whatever  they  may  have  been,  gave, 
as  I  am  informed,  the  deepest  offense  to  those  persons  with  whom  you  were 
seeking  to  deal,  and  consequently  it  seemed  useless  to  make  any  further 
effort  in  connection  with  the  request  which  you  desired  to  make.  In  view  of 
the  situation  thus  created,  I  regret  to  inform  you  that  the  American  representa¬ 
tives  feel  that  any  further  efforts  on  their  part  connected  with  this  matter 
would  be  futile  and  therefore  unwise. 

I  am,  sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Robert  Lansing. 


Hon.  Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris. 


Note. — This  letter  was  received  subsequent  to  the  dispatch  of  our  letter  of 
May  26,  1919. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris,  May  26,  1919. 

Hon.  Robert  Lansing, 

Secretary  of  State  and  American  Commissioner  to  Negotiate  Peace,  Paris. 

Sir:  Upon  the  17th  instant  we  had  the  honor  to  hand  to  your  private  secre¬ 
tary,  for  immediate  transmission  to  you,  a  letter  requesting  your  good  offices 
to  procure  from  the  British  Government  safe  conduct  from  Dublin  to  Paris 
and  return  for  Hons.  Earnon  de  Valera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and  Count  George 
Noble  Plunkett,  representatives  of  the  people  of  Ireland,  copy  of  which  letter  we 
inclose  to  you  herewith. 

Upon  the  day  following  wq  were  advised  by  the  American  press  representa¬ 
tives  that  you  had  communicated  to  them  the  fact  that  you  had  referred  the 
letter  to  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Later  in  the  day  this  statement 
was  confirmed  by  your  secretary  in  an  interview’  with  our  chairman. 

With  this  information,  upon  the  20th  instant  we  addressed  a  letter  of  the 
same  purport  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  requesting  a  hearing 
by  him.  We  also  inclose  copy  of  this  letter  to  you  herewith. 

Upon  the  21st  instant  we  were  advised  by  Mr.  Gilbert  F.  Close,  confidential 
secretary  to  the  President,  that  at  the  President’s  direction  you  would  make 
reply  to  such  letter.  We  have  not  been  advised  of  further  action,  if  any, 
either  by  yourself  or  the  President,  upon  our  request. 

In  view  of  the  urgency  and  importance  of  the  matter,  the  arrangements 
which  must  necessarily  be  made  by  President  de  Valera  and  his  associates  as 
an  outcome  of  your  reply,  as  well  as  the  further  steps  which  we  may  be  called 
upon  to  take  in  an  endeavor  to  accomplish  the  objects  of  our  mission,  may 
we  not  ask  that  you  be  good  enough  to  give  us  an  answer  to  our  request 

With  assurances  of  our  high  regard,  we  are, 

Sincerely, 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
By  Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris,  May  27,  1910. 

Hon.  Robert  Lansing, 

Secretary  of  State  and  American  Commissioner  to  Negotiate  Peace,  Pams. 

Sir  :  Your  letter  of  the  24th  instant  conveying  the  refusal  of  the  American 
Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace  to  our  request  that  they  should  use  their  good 
offices  to  secure  the  issuance  of  safe  conducts  by  the  British  Government  to 
Hons.  Earnon  de  Valera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and  George  Noble  Count  Plunkett, 
was  duly  received. 

Your  letter  states  that  you  have  been  informed  that  every  effort  wras  made, 
unofficially,  to  bring  us  into  friendly  touch  with  the  British  representatives  in 
Paris.  It  is  also  stated  in  your  letter  that  you  have  information  to  the  effect 
that  certain  utterances  of  ours  made  during  our  visit  to  Ireland  “  gave  the  deep¬ 
est  offense  to  certain  persons  with  whom  you  (we)  were  seeking  to  deal.” 

We  beg  to  advise  you  that  no  person  wras  authorized  by  us  to  make  any  effort 
to  bring  us  into  friendly  touch  with  any  British  representatives,  here  or  else¬ 
where. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


805 


We  also  beg  to  further  advise  you  that  at  no  time,  in  Paris,  or  elsewhere, 
have  we  sought  to  deal,  privately  or  unofficially,  with  any  persons  relative  to 
the  purposes  of  our  mission. 

In  order  to  make  the  record  perfectly  clear,  we  submit  the  following: 

On  March  27,  1919,  a  letter  in  form  following  was  delivered  in  person  by 
the  undersigned  to  the  Acting  Secretary  of  State,  in  your  absence,  at  your  office 
in  Washington: 

“Paris,  March  27,  101D. 

“  Hon.  Frank  L.  Polk, 

Acting  Secretary  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C. 


“Dear  Sir:  We  respectively  request  the  issuance  of  passports  to  France  to 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  of  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Michael  ,T.  Ryan,  of  Philadelphia,  Pa. ; 
and  Edward  F.  Dunne,  of  Chicago,  111.,  who  have  been  appointed  by  the  recent 
Irish  race  convention  held  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  on  February  22  and 
23,  1919,  and  whose  object  in  visiting  France  is  to  obtain  for  the  delegates, 
selected  by  the  people  of  Ireland  a  hearing  at  the  peace  conference,  and  to 
Diace  before  the  conference,  if  that  hearing  be  not  given,  the  case  of  Ireland; 
her  insistence  upon  her  right  of  self-determination ;  and  to  international  recog¬ 
nition  of  the  republican  form  of  government  established  by  her  people. 

“  Very  respectfully, 

“  Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman  ” 


We  were  informed  by  Mr.  Assistant  Secretary  Phillips  that  he  was  acting 
for  you,  in  your  absence,  and  that  the  request  contained  in  the  letter  would 
receive  careful  consideration.  After  a  lapse  of  two  days  Mr.  Assistant  Secretary 
Phillips  informed  Mr.  Patrick  Lee,  our  secretary,  that  the  request  contained 
in  the  letter  had  been  granted,  and  that  your  office  had  ordered  the  passports 
issued,  which  was  accordingly  done. 

Upon  our  arrival  in  Paris  a  communication  was  addressed  to  the  President, 
signed  by  Messrs.  Walsh,  Dunne,  and  Ryan,  the  full  commission,  advising 
him  that  we  were  acting  in  pursuance  of  a  commission  given  us  by  the  Irish 
Race  Convention  held  in  Philadelphia  on  February  22,  1919,  and  that  we  were 
instructed  by  said  convention  to  obtain,  if  possible,  for  the  delegates  selected 
by  the  people  of  Ireland  a  hearing  at  the  peace  conference,  and  containing 
the  following  specific  request : 

“  May  we,  therefore,  ask  you  to  obtain  from  Mr.  Lloyd-George,  or  whomso¬ 
ever  may  be  intrusted  with  the  specific  details  of  such  matters  by  the  English 
Government,  safe  conduct  for  Messrs,  de  Valera,  Griffith,  and  Plunkett  from 
Dublin  to  Paris/* 

Following  an  interview'  between  the  President  and  the  chairman  of  our 
delegation,  the  matter  was  taken  up  with  Col.  E.  M.  House,  and  the  identical 
request  wms  made  through  him. 

The  implications  of  your  letter  that  any  person  was  acting  unofficially, 
privately,  or  secretly,  is  therefore  erroneous. 

Attempted  negotiations  on  behalf  of  Ireland  in  such  fashion  would  not  only 
be  violative  of  our  instructions  but  obnoxious  to  the  principle,  to  which  the 
steadfastly  adhere  with  multitudes  of  our  fellow’’  citizens,  that  a  just  and  per¬ 
manent  peace  can  only  he  secured  through  open  conventions  openly  arrived  at. 

For  the  verity  of  the  record,  which  wre  are  anxious  to  maintain  upon  this 
Important  matter,  will  you  be  good  enough  to  give  us  the  names  of  the  persons 
to  wffiom  wre  gave  deep  offense  by  our  utterances  in  Ireland,  and  with  whom  you 
have  been  informed  we  “were  seeking  to  deal,”  as  well  as  the  name  or  names 
of  any  person  or  persons  who  assumed  to  negotiate  or  promote  any  such  secret 
or  unofficial  dealings  upon  our  behalf? 

We  likewise  deem  it  proper  to  call  your  attention  at  this  time  to  the  fact 
that  w’e  scrupulously  refrained  from  any  public  utterances  in  England,  and 
that  our  statements  to  the  people  of  Ireland  as  to  the  objects  of  our  mission 
were  in  strict  conformity  with  the  purposes  stated  to  you  in  our  written 
application  for  passports  and  cherished  and  advocated  by  American  citizens 
since  the  foundation  of  the  American  Republic.  We  are  confident  that,  if  your 
information  is  correct  to  the  effect  that  our  utterances  gave  deep  offense,  such 
offense  was  not  given  to  the  Irish  people  or  to  their  duly  elected  representa¬ 
tives,  in  whose  presence  the  utterances  wrere  made. 

Awaiting  your  further  advices,  we  are,  sir, 

Respectfully  and  sincerely, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
By  Frank  I*.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

Note. — This  letter  was  never  answered. 


806 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  May  27,  1919. 

The  President  of  the  United  States, 

Paris. 

Dear  Mr.  President:  We  inclose  herewith  copy  of  letter  received  last 
evening  from  Mr.  Robert  Lansing,  Secretary  of  State,  together  with  copy  of 
reply  thereto  of  even  date.  We  submit  this  so  that  you  may  be  fully  advised 
pending  one  further  effort  to  carry  out  the  purposes  of  our  mission. 

With  assurances  of  our  high  esteem  and  respect,  we  are, 

Sincerely,  yours, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
By  Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

(Same  letter  sent  to  Messrs.  White,  Bliss,  and  House.) 


Commissioner  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America, 

Paris,  May  28,  1919. 

Dear  Sir  :  I  am  in  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  27th  instant  and  hasten  to  in¬ 
form  you,  in  reply,  that  I  have  neither  made  nor  associated  myself  in  any  way 
with  efforts  to  bring  you  and  your  colleagues  into  touch  with  the  representa¬ 
tives  of  the  British  Government  in  Paris  or  elsewhere,  nor  had  I,  until  within 
the  last  few  days,  any  knowledge  of  those  efforts. 

You,  yourselves,  have  not  at  any  time  approached  me  in  the  matter,  nor  was 
I  aware,  until  quite  recently,  of  the  informal  action  to  which  yo  urefer. 

I  may  add  that  I  was  equally  unaware,  until  a  few  days  ago,  of  the  com¬ 
munication  which  you  addressed  to  the  President  upon  your  arrival  in  Paris 
from  the  United  States. 

I  must,  therefore,  both  personally  and  as  a  member  of  the  American  Com¬ 
mission  to  Negotiate  Peace  with  Germany  and  Austria,  decline  all  responsi¬ 
bility  in  connection  with  the  outcome  of  your  mission. 

Yours,  sincerely, 

Henry  White. 

Hon.  Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  May  28,  1919. 

Hon.  Henry  White, 

Commissioner  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of  America,  Paris. 

Dear  Sir:  Please  accept  our  thanks  for  your  prompt  and  courteous  response 
to  our  letter  of  the  27th  instant,  just  received. 

With  assurance  of  our  appreciation  and  respect, 

Sincerely, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
By  Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  May  28,  1919. 

To  the  President  of  the  United  States, 

Paris. 

Dear  Mr.  President  :  We  have  the  honor  to  transmit  to  you  herewith  a  large 
number  of  cablegrams  from  different  parts  of  the  United  States,  insisting  upon 
the  securing  of  opportunity  to  present  Ireland’s  case  to  the  peace  conference, 
and  protesting  against  article  10  of  the  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations.  We 
trust  that  you  will  find  time,  even  with  your  multiplicity  of  duties,  to  give  the 
same  careful  consideration. 

May  we  also  take  the  opportunity  to  suggest  that  the  fears  of  these  peti¬ 
tioners  as  to  the  effect  of  article  10,  if  adopted,  seem  to  have  a  very  substantial 
basis  of  fact  and  reason.  It  occurs  to  us,  as  it  doubtless  has  to  them,  that  the 
following  evil  effects  might  flow  from  the  inclusion  of  article  10  in  its  present 
form : 

1.  That  nations  and  peoples  claiming  age-old  territorial  integrities  of  their 
own  would,  ipso  facto,  be  forced  under  the  authority  of  other  nations  or  even 
kingdoms,  without  a  hearing. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


807 


2.  That  peoples,  the  vast  majority  of  whom  are  devoted  to  the  principles  of 
free  governments  such  as  our  own,  could  be  forced  under  the  rule  of  monar¬ 
chies  or  military  autocracies. 

3.  That  the  signatories,  including  our  country,  would  be  bound,  after  the 
adoption  of  article  10,  to  prevent  the  giving  of  aid  by  outside  advocates  of 
liberty  to  oppressed  nations,  which  practice  has  obtained  among  civilized 
peoples  from  time  immemorial. 

4.  That  the  powerful  signatories,  including  our  country,  might  eventually  be 
compelled  to  wage  war,  for  the  preservation  of  “  territorial  integrity,”  no 
matter  how  unjust  and  oppressive  in  any  part  of  the  world. 

In  view  of  the  refusal  to  give  the  representatives  of  the  Irish  people  a 
hearing  in  Paris,  and  without  consulting  with  them  upon  this  particular  sub¬ 
ject,  may  we  not  offer  the  suggestions  following,  which  might  apply  to  the 
case  of  Ireland  and  other  nations  under  like  disabilities  and  similarly  situated: 

First.  Before  final  adoption  of  article  10  that  a  full  and  open  hearing 
before  the  committee  of  four  of  the  great  powers  at  the  peace  conference  be 
accorded  to  any  nation  or  people,  in  order  that  they  may  present  any  ques¬ 
tions  of  fact  which  they  may  desire  to  submit  to  prove  their  own  territorial 
integrity,  or  to  dispute  the  claim  of  any  nation  claiming  territory  to  which 
it  is  not  entitled,  or  is,  at  the  time  of  the  signing  thereof,  attempting  to 
acquire  or  hold  by  force  of  arms. 

Second.  That  in  any  event  article  10  of  the  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations 
should  be  amended  so  as  to  read : 

“  The  members  of  the  league  undertake  to  respect  and  preserve  as  against 
external  aggression  the  territorial  integrity  and  existing  political  inde¬ 
pendence  of  all  members  of  the  league.  In  case  of  any  such  aggression  or 
in  case  of  any  threat  or  danger  of  such  aggression  the  council  shall  advise 
upon  the  means  by  which  this  obligation  shall  be  fulfilled :  Provided,  however, 
That  the  territorial  boundaries  of  no  country  at  the  signing  of  the  covenant 
shall  be  deemed  to  include  any  other  country  or  nation  the  boundaries  of 
which  are  natural  ones,  or  clearly  defined,  inhabited  by  a  homogeneous  people, 
a  majority  of  whom  by  a  vote  of  its  electorate  has  determined  the  form 
of  government  under  which  they  desire  to  live,  and  whose  efforts  to  establish 
the  same  and  function  thereunder  are  at  the  time  of  the  signing  hereof  pre¬ 
vented  by  an  army  of  occupation  or  other  form  of  forcible  repression.” 

With  assurances  of  our  continued  high  regard,  we  remain, 

Sincerely, 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
By  Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 


(Copies  of  the  above  letter  and  cablegrams  sent  to  Messrs.  House,  White, 
Bliss,  and  Lansing.) 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris,  May  28,  1819. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Walsh  :  I  am  writing  on  behalf  of  the  President  to  acknowl¬ 
edge  receipt  of  your  letter  of  May  17  inclosing  a  copy  of  your  letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  State  of  May  27. 

Sincerely,  yours, 

Gilbert  F.  Close, 

Confidential  Secretary  to  the  President. 


Hon.  Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris . 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris,  May  29,  1919. 

Dear  Mr;  Walsii  :  Thank  you  for  your  note  of  May  27  inclosing  for  my 
information  a  copy  of  your  recent  correspondence  with  the  Secretary  of  State 
regarding  the  issuance  of  safe  conducts  for  Messrs,  de  Valera,  Griffith,  and 
Count  Plunkett. 

Cordially,  yours, 

E.  M.  House. 

Mr.  Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Chairman,  American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris. 


803 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris ,  May  29,  19 I'D. 

Dear  Sir:  As  representatives  of  the  Irish  race  convention  held  in  the  city 
of  Philadelphia  on  February  22,  1919,  we  respectfully  request  an  opportunity 
of  appearing  before  the  members  of  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate 
Peace  at  as  early  a  moment  as  may  be  convenient  and  meet  with  the  pleasure 
of  the  commissioners  plenipotentiary. 

With  assurances  of  our  respect  and  high  regard,  we  are, 

Sincerely, 

Frank  P.  Walsh, 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

Mr.  J.  C.  Grew, 

Secretary  to  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace,  Paris . 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Pans,  May  29,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  President:  We  inclose  you  herewith  copy  of  letter  this  day  ad¬ 
dressed  to  the  secretary  of  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace. 

We  were  informed  by  Col.  House  that  daily  meetings  of  the  commissioners 
plenipotentiary  are  held  at  the  Hotel  Crillon,  and  he  was  good  enough  to  say 
that  he  would  be  glad  to  attend  at  any  time  an  opportunity  was  given  us  for 
a  hearing. 

We  called  at  the  headquarters  of  the  commission  at  tlieir  regular  meeting 
hour  this  morning,  but  their  meeting  had  adjourned.  Mr.  Secretary  of  State 
Lansing  therefore  suggested  to  us,  through  his  private  secretary,  that  we 
make  this  request  through  the  secretary  of  the  commission. 

We  wish  you  to  be  assured  that  we  will  occupy  but  a  brief  space  of  time, 
and  indulge  the  hope  that  you  may  accord  us  this  hearing  at  as  early  a 
moment  as  will  meet  with  your  pleasure  and  convenience,  considering  your 
other  important  duties. 

With  assurances  of  our  great  respect,  we  are. 

Sincerely, 


Frank  P.  Walsh. 


E.  F.  Dunne. 


The  President  of  the  United  States, 

Paris. 

(Letters  of  similar  purport  were  sent  to  Messrs.  Lansing,  White,  House, 
and  Bliss.) 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  May  SI,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  President  :  We  beg  to  advise  you  that,  in  pursuance  of  the  commis¬ 
sion  given  us  by  the  Irish  race  convention  held  In  the  city  of  Philadelphia  on 
February  22,  1919,  and  following  our  letter  to  you  of  April  16,  1919,  every 
effort  has  been  made  to  obtain  a  bearing  for  the  delegates  selected  by  the 
people  of  Ireland  to  represent  them  at  the  peace  conference.  Our  information 
is  that  the  government  of  Great  Britain  has  definitely  denied  safe  conducts  to 
these  representatives,  and  hence  they  can  not  appear  before  the  peace  confer¬ 
ence  or  any  committee  thereof. 

The  resolutions  and  instructions  under  which  we  are  acting  provide  that,  if 
opportunity  be  not  given  the  regularly  chosen  representatives  of  Ireland,  we 
should  ourselves  present  her  case;  her  insistence  upon  her  right  of  self-deter¬ 
mination;  and  to  international  recognition  of  the  republican  form  of  govern¬ 
ment  established  by  her  people. 

We  therefore  petition  you  to  use  your  good  offices  to  secure  a  hearing  for  us 
before  the  special  committee  of  the  four  great  powers,  so  that  we  may  dis¬ 
charge  the  duty  imposed  upon  us  by  our  convention. 

In  order  to  avoid  misunderstanding  we  desire  to  state,  and  would  thank 
you  to  convey  the  information  to  the  other  members  of  your  committee,  that 
we  do  not  hold,  or  claim  to  have,  any  commission  or  authority  from  the  people 
of  Ireland  or  their  representatives;  but  desire  solely  and  respectfully  to  pre¬ 
sent  the  resolutions  of  the  American  convention  with  a  brief  argument  in 
support  thereof. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


809 


May  we  also  point  out  that  while  the  convention  which  we  represent  was 
unofficial,  and  while  we  claim  no  official  authority  in  the  governmental  souse, 
nevertheless,  it  was  a  convention  composed  of  5,132  delegates;  democratically 
selected,  representing  every  State  in  the  American  Union ;  and  the  individuals 
who  composed  it  may  fairly  be  said  to  have  been  men  and  women  of  all  shades 
of  political  opinion,  of  all  religious  sects,  and  of  practically  every  trade,  pro¬ 
fession,  and  avocation  which  go  to  make  up  our  national  life. 

We  think  it  is  likewise  fair  to  state  that  this  convention  acted  for  many 
millions  of  our  fellow-citizens,  who,  in  this  representative  way,  respectfully 
urge  you  to  give  favorable  response  to  the  request  of  this  petition. 

We  will  deeply  appreciate  it  if  you  will  be  good  enough  to  give  us  an  early 
reply  to  this  letter,  as  the  matter  of  our  departure  for  home  is  pressing  us. 

With  considerations  of  our  continued  great  respect  and  esteem,  we  are, 
Sincerely, 


Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman , 
E.  F.  Dunne. 


To  the  President  of  the  United  States, 

Paris. 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris ,  May  31,  1010. 

Gentlemen  :  I  beg  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your  letter  of  May  29,  requesting, 
as  representatives  of  the  Irish  race  convention  held  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia 
on  February  22,  1919,  an  opportunity  of  appearing  before  the  members  of  the 
American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace  at  as  early  a  moment  as  may  be  con¬ 
venient  and  meet  with  the  pleasure  of  the  commissioners  plenipotentiary. 

The  commission  is  led  to  believe  that  your  object  in  requesting  to  be  received 
is  to  ask  its  good  offices  to  obtain  a  hearing  before  the  peace  conference  of  rep¬ 
resentatives  of  the  so-called  “  Irish  republic.”  On  the  basis  of  this  understand¬ 
ing,  I  am  instructed  by  the  American  commissioners  to  express  to  you  their 
regrets  that  they  are  unable  to  comply  with  your  request,  for  the  reason  that 
it  is  not  within  the  province  of  the  American  delegation  to  request  the  peace 
conference  to  receive  a  delegation  composed  of  citizens  of  a  country  other  than 
our  own,  when  that  country  is  officially  represented  at  the  conference,  in  regard 
to  a  matter  having  no  relation  whatever  to  the  making  of  peace  with  Germany 
and  Austria. 

With  assurance  of  respect,  I  am,  gentlemen,  your  obedient  servant, 

J.  G.  Grew,  Secretary  General. 

Messrs.  Frank  P.  Walsh  and  E.  F.  Dunne, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris. 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris,  May  31,  1910. 


My  Dear  Mr.  Walsh  :  I  am  writing  on  behalf  of  the  President  to  acknowledge 
receipt  of  your  letter  of  May  28  with  the  inclosed  telegrams  and  to  say  that  I 
am  bringing  them  to  the  President’s  attention. 

Sincerely,  yours, 

•  Gilbert  F.  Close, 

Confident ial  Secretary  to  the  President. 


Mr.  Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

Paris,  June  2,  1010. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Close:  I  am  handing  you  herewith  letter  for  delivery  to  the 
President,  which  is  quite  urgent  as  to  time.  Would  appreciate  it  deeply  if  you 
would  get  it  to  his  hand  at  the  earliest  opportunity. 

Thanking  you  for  all  of  your  kindnesses,  1  am, 

Sincerely, 

Frank  P.  Walsh. 

Mr.  Gilbert  F.  Close, 

Confidential  Secretary  to  the  President,  Paris, 


810 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

Pans,  June  2,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  President:  Upon  this  morning  Mr.  J.  C.  Grew,  secretary  general 
to  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace,  handed  Gov.  Dunne  and  my¬ 
self  a  letter,  copy  of  which  is  inclosed  to  you  herewith.  He  stated  at  the  same 
time  that  you  were  willing  to  accord  personal  interviews  to  us. 

I  am  deeply  appreciative  of  the  courtesy  extended,  and  would  be  grateful  if 
you  will  be  good  enough  to  indicate  at  as  early  a  moment  as  possible,  consistent 
with  your  great  press  of  affairs,  when  I  might  see  you. 

Always,  sincerely, 


Frank  P.  Walsh. 


The  President  of  the  United  States, 

Paris . 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  2,  1919. 


My  Dear  Sir:  We  beg  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your  letter  of  May  31 
answering  ours  of  the  29th  ultimo,  handed  to  us  by  you  in  person  this  morning. 

We  desire  to  state  that  our  object  in  requesting  an  opportunity  of  appearing 
before  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace  was  not  to  ask  its  good 
offices  to  obtain  a  hearing  before  the  peace  conference  of  representatives  of  the 
Irish  Republic,  as  you  state  in  your  letter  the  commission  has  been  led  to  be- 
live.  In  order  to  remove  this  misapprehension,  we  respectfully  submit  the 
following : 

Our  information  is  that  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  has  definitely 
denied  safe  conducts  to  these  representatives,  and  hence  they  can  not  appear 
before  the  peace  conference  or  any  committee  thereof. 

The  resolutions  and  instructions  of  the  Irish  race  convention,  under  which 
we  are  acting,  provide  that  if  opportunity  be  not  given  the  regularly  chosen 
representatives  of  Ireland,  we  should  ourselves  present  her  case ;  her  insistence 
upon  her  right  of  self-determination ;  and  to  international  recognition  of  the 
republican  form  of  government  established  by  her  people. 

We  wish  to  advise  the  commission  further  that  we  do  not  hold,  or  claim 
to  have,  any  commission  or  authority  from  the  people  of  Ireland  or  their 
representatives ;  but  desire  in  appearing  before  the  commission  solely  and  re¬ 
spectfully  to  present  the  resolution  of  the  American  convention  with  a  brief 
argument  in  support  thereof. 

May  we  also  point  out  that  while  we  claim  no  official  status  in  the  govern¬ 
mental  sense,  nevertheless,  we  are  the  representatives  of  a  convention  composed 
of  5,132  delegates,  democratically  selected,  representing  every  State  in  the 
American  Union ;  and  the  individuals  who  composed  it  may  fairly  be  said  to 
have  been  men  and  women  of  all  shades  of  political  opinion,  of  all  religious 
sects,  and  of  practically  every  trade,  profession,  and  avocation  which  go  to 
make  up  our  national  life. 

We  think  it  likewise  fair  to  state  that  this  convention  acted  for  many  mil¬ 
lions  of  our  fellow  citizens,  who  in  this  representative  way  respectfully  urge 
the  commission  to  grant  us  a  full  hearing. 

We  therefore  renew  our  request,  and  trust  that  the  commission  may  see  its 
way  clear  to  fix  a  time,  at  its  pleasure  and  convenience,  when  we  may  appear 
before  it. 

Awaiting  the  favor  of  an  early  reply,  and  with  assurances  of  our  great 
respect,  we  are, 

Sincerely, 


Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman . 
E.  F.  Dunne. 


Mr.  J.  C.  Grew, 

Secretary  General  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace,  Paris . 


American  Commission  of  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  6 ,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  President:  We  have  the  honor  to  hand  you  herewith  report  on 
conditions  in  Ireland  with  demand  for  investigation  by  the  peace  conference. 
On  account  of  the  serious  and  critical  situation  exposed  by  the  report,  we 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


811 


beg  that  you  will  be  good  enough  to  give  this  document  your  careful  considera¬ 
tion,  and  also  to  present  the  same  to  the  full  peace  conference  or  to  the  com¬ 
mittee  of  the  five  great  powers,  whichever  may  be  the  proper  course  under  the 
practice  of  the  conference.  With  assurances  of  our  great  respect  and  esteem, 
we  are, 

Sincerely, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

The  President  of  the  United  States, 

Paris. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  6,  1919. 

Sir:  Complying  with  you  request  of  May  1,  1919,  made  through  Sir  William 
Wiseman  and  assented  to  by  Messrs.  Sean  T.  O’Ceallaigh  and  George  Gavan  Duffy, 
the  representatives  at  Paris  of  the  Irish  republican  government,  that  we  visit 
every  part  of  Ireland,  and  especially  Belfast,  to  ascertain  the  actual  conditions 
existing  in  that  country. 

We  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  we  have,  except  where  prevented  by  the 
use  of  military  forces  of  the  English  army  of  occupation,  visited  the  four 
Provinces  of  Ireland,  including  Belfast,  as  well  as  the  other  principal  cities  and 
towns. 

We  have  prepared  a  report  covering  the  facts,  with  certain  recommendations. 

In  order  that  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  may  be  informed,  we  herewith 
hand  you  copy  of  this  report,  which,  in  addition  to  the  presentation  of  facts, 
contains  a  demand  for  an  investigation  under  the  authority  of  the  peace  con¬ 
ference. 

We  also  wish  to  advise  your  Government  that  the  original  of  this  document 
has  this  day  been  handed  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  that  copies 
have  been  transmitted  to  the  House  of  Representatives  and  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  through  the  Secretary  of  State. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

Hon.  David  Lloyd-George, 

Prime  Minister  of  England,  Paris. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  6,  1919. 

Sir:  We  have  the  honor  to  hand  you  three  copies  of  document  entitled  “  Re¬ 
port  on  conditions  in  Ireland  with  demand  for  investigation  by  the  peace  confer¬ 
ence,”  which  we  have  this  day  transmitted  to  the  President,  with  copy  to  Hon. 
David  Lloyd-George,  prime  minister  of  England. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  is  now  considering 
the  subject  of  a  new  treaty  or  treaties  with  the  Government  of  Great  Britain, 
and  on  account  of  the  further  fact  that  the  House  of  Representatives  has  here¬ 
tofore  passed  a  resolution  in  favor  of  Ireland’s  right  of  self-determination, 
which  has  not  been  acted  upon  by  the  peace  conference,  unless  in  secret  session, 
of  which  we  have  had  no  advices,  we  respectfully  request  that  you  kindly 
transmit  one  copy  of  this  document  to  the  Senate  and  one  to  the  House  of  Rep¬ 
resentatives  of  the  United  States,  in  conformity  with  the  customs  and  practices 
■  •f  the  State  Department.  With  assurances  of  our  great  respect  and  considera¬ 
tion,  we  are, 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

Hon.  Robert  Lansing, 

Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  Paris . 


812 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris,  June  7,  1910. 

My  Dear  Me.  Walsh  :  I  beg  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your  letter  of  June  6, 
inclosing  the  memorandum  concerning  conditions  in  Ireland  and  to  say  that  I 
have  brought  it  to  the  President’s  personal  attention. 

Sincerely,  yours, 

Gilbert  F.  Close, 

Confidential  Secretary  to  the  President. 


Mr.  Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  8,  1910. 

Dear  Mr.  President:  We  inclose  you  herewith  paragraph  inadvertently 
omitted  from  our  “  Report  on  conditions  in  Ireland  with  demand  for  investiga¬ 
tion  by  the  peace  conference,”  which  we  had  the  honor  of  sending  you  upon 
the  6th  instant.  The  same  should  be  inserted  under  the  subtitle  “  The  revolu¬ 
tion,”  on  page  13  of  said  report. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  Paris. 

(A  similar  letter  and  inclosure  also  was  sent  to  David  Lloyd  George,  British 
Prime  Minister.) 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  8,  1919. 

Dear  Sir:  We  inclose  to  vou  herewith  two  corrected  copies  of  our  “  Report  on 
conditions  in  Ireland,  with  demand  for  investigation  by  the  peace  conference.” 
Will  you  be  good  enough  to  have  these  substituted  for  the  ones  heretofore 
transmitted,  or  have  the  necessary  corrections  made? 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chainnan. 

E.  F.  Dunne, 

lion.  Robert  Lansing, 

Secretary  of  State,  Paris 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  8,  1919. 

Right  Hon.  Lord  Birkenhead, 

Lord  Chancellor  of  England,  House  of  Lords,  London,  England. 

Sir  :  Upon  the  22d  ultimo,  during  the  proceedings  in  the  House  of  Lords  on 
that  date,  as  published  in  the  London  Times,  you  made  a  statement,  in  reply 
to  a  question  of  Viscount  Midleton,  as  to  the  intentions  of  the  prime  minister 
with  reference  to  giving  publicity  to  the  result  of  the  findings  of  our  investiga¬ 
tion  of  conditions  in  Ireland. 

We  beg,  therefore,  to  submit  to  you  herewith  for  presentation  to  the  House 
of  Lords  this  report,  together  with  copies  of  letters  addressed  to  Hon.  David 
Lloyd  George,  prime  minister. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman, 

E.  F.  Dunne, 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


813 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  8,  1919 . 

Editor  London  Times, 

London ,  England. 

Sir:  We  have  the  honor  to  hand  you  herewith  “Report  on  conditions  in 
Ireland  with  demand  for  investigation  by  the  peace  conference,”  together  with 
copies  of  letters  addressed  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the  American 
Secretary  of  State,  and  Hon.  David  Lloyd  George,  British  prime  minister,  upon 
the  same  subject. 

As  you  are  doubtless  aware,  charges  have  been  made  that  matters  deeply 
affecting  the  peace  of  the  world,  such  as  the  condition  of  Ireland,  are  habitually 
suppressed  by  English  newspapers.  In  order  that  your  paper  may  be  thor¬ 
oughly  advised,  and  that  there  should  be  no  misunderstanding  upon  the  subject 
later,  we  take  this  opportunity  to  submit  the  inclosed  documents. 

Respectfully,  yours, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

(Similar  letters  and  inclosures  were  sent  to  all  leading  English  journals.) 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  8,  1019. 

Sir:  Upon  the  14th  ultimo,  during  the  proceedings  in  the  House  of  Commons 
on  that  date,  as  published  in  the  London  Times,  you  made  an  official  statement  as 
to  the  intentions  of  the  prime  minister  with  reference  to  giving  publicity  to  tlio 
result  of  the  findings  of  our  investigation  of  conditions  in  Ireland. 

We  beg,  therefore,  to  submt  to  you  herewith,  for  transmission  to  the  cabinet, 
this  report,  together  with  copies  of  letters  addressed  to  His  Majesty,  King 
George  V,  and  Hon.  David  Lloyd-George,  prime  minister. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

Mr.  Bonar  Law,  Leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  London,  England. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  8,  1919. 

His  Majesty  George  Y,  King  of  Great  Britain,  London,  England. 

Your  Majesty:  We  herewith  transmit  to  you  our  “Report  on  conditions  in 
Ireland  with  demand  for  investigation  by  the  peace  conference,”  together  with 
copies  of  letters  addressed  to  your  prime  minister,  Mr.  David  Lloyd-George. 

The  original  of  this  report  lias  been  delivered  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States  for  presentation  to  the  peace  conference,  and  copies  have  been  for¬ 
warded  to  Hon.  Robert  Lansing,  American  Secretary  of  State,  for  transmission 
to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  13,  1919. 

American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris. 

Gentlemen:  Following  Mr.  Lansing’s  letter  of  the  24th  ultimo,  conveying  to 
us  the  opinion  of  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace  that  further 
effort  to  secure  .the  issuance  of  safe  conducts  by  the  British  Government  to 
Messrs,  de  Valera,  Griffith,  and  Plunkett  would  be  futile  and  unwise,  we  pro¬ 
ceeded,  as  you  have  been  individually  informed,  to  ourselves  secure  a  hearing 
before  your  full  body  upon  the  merits  of  the  Irish  case. 


814 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


While  making  this  effort  we  are  informed  that  the  United  States  Senate  has 
passed  a  resolution  requesting  your  honorable  body  to  endeavor  to  secure  a 
hearing  for  the  same  gentlemen  before  the  peace  conference  in  order  that  they 
might  present  the  case  of  Ireland  and  expressing  sympathy  with  the  aspirations 
of  th  people  of  Ireland  for  a  government  of  their  own  selection. 

In  this  situation  we  feel  that  further  effort  upon  our  part  should  be  sus¬ 
pended  until  the  resolution  is  acted  upon  by  your  honorable  body. 

We  most  respectfully  urge,  both  as  American  citizens  and  in  our  representa¬ 
tive  capacity,  that  early  and  favorable  action  be  taken  by  your  body  upon  the 
Senate  resolution. 

If  your  commission  concludes  to  so  act  upon  the  Senate  resolution,  and  a 
hearing  is  granted  by  the  peace  conference  to  the  Irish  representatives  and 
international  recognition  is  accorded  to  the  republican  government  set  up  by 
the  people  of  Ireland,  there  will  be  no  necessity  for  further  demand  by  us  upon 
your  valuable  time. 

Will  you  therefore  be  good  enough  to  advise  us  of  whatever  action  your 
honorable  body  may  see  tit  to  take  at  the  earliest  convenient  moment? 

With  assurances  of  our  appreciation  for  other  courtesies,  and  indulging  the 
hope  of  an  early  response  to  this  communication,  we  are, 

Very  respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman, 

E.  F.  Dunne. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  July  13,  1919. 


Mr.  J.  C.  Grew, 

Secretary  General  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace,  Paris. 

Dear  Mr.  Secretary  General:  We  are  taking  the  liberty  of  handing  you  here¬ 
with  letter  of  even  date  addressed  to  the  American  commission  to  negotiate 
peace,  which  we  request  that  kindly  hand  to  them  at  once. 

Sincerely, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  July  13,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  President:  We  inclose  you  herewith  copy  of  letter  to-day  addressed 
to  the  American  commission  to  negotiate  peace,  the  original  of  which  was  for¬ 
warded  through  Secretary  General  Grew,  and  to  which  we  respectfully  request 
your  early  and  kindly  consideration. 

Sincerely, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  Paris. 

(Similar  letters  were  sent  to  Messrs.  Lansing,  Bliss,  House,  and  WThite.) 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris,  June  14,  1919. 

Gentlemen  :  I  beg  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your  letter  of  June  13,  together 
with  the  inclosed  copy  of  letter  to  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 
and  to  say  that  your  letter  will  receive  my  careful  consideration. 

Sincerely,  yours, 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence,  Paris. 


Tasker  H.  Bliss. 


TREAT  I  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


815 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  17,  1919. 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace,  Paris. 


Gentlemen  :  Inasmuch  as  the  peace  terms  are  so  close  to  signature,  will  yon 
not  be  good  enough  to  advise  us  at  the  earliest  possible  moment  as  to  the 
disposition  by  the  full  peace  conference  of  the  Senate  resolution  as  follows: 

“  Resolved,  That  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  earnestly  requests  the 
American  Peace  Commission  at  Versailles  to  endeavor  to  secure  for  Edward 
de  Valera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and  Count  George  Noble  Plunkett,  a  hearing  before 
said  peace  conference  in  order  that  they  may  present  the  cause  of  Ireland. 

“  Resolved  further,  That  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  express  its  sympathy 
with  the  aspirations  of  the  Irish  people  for  a  government  of  its  own  choice.” 

In  addition  to  the  fact  that  we  are  receiving  constant  and  urgent  inquiries 
in  regard  to  the  same,  we  wish  to  respectfully  call  to  your  attention  that  unless 
action  is  taken  very  shortly,  the  delay  itself  will  amount  to  a  denial  of  the 
request. 

With  assurances  of  our  high  regard  and  esteem, 

Sincerely, 


Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman . 
E.  F.  Dunne. 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris,  June  17,  1919. 


Mr.  Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Chairman  American  Commission  of  Irish  Independence,  Paris. 


Sir  :  The  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace  has  the  honor  to  acknowl¬ 
edge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  dated  June  17  and  previous  correspondence  re¬ 
garding  the  resolution  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  in  connection  with 
the  appearance  of  Edward  de  Valera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and  Count  George  Noble 
Plunkett  before  the  peace  conference  and  to  inform  you  that  the  commission 
will  not  fail  to  comply  with  the  request  stated  in  your  above-mentioned  letter. 

I  am,  sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 


J.  C.  Grew,  Secretary  General. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  17,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  President:  On  the  6th  day  of  June,  1919,  we  had  the  honor  to  for¬ 
ward  you  our  “  Report  on  conditions  in  Ireland  with  demand  for  investigation 
by  peace  conference,”  the  investigation  to  be  conducted  by  an  impartial  body 
appointed  by  the  peace  conference,  and  excluding  from  membership  the  inter¬ 
ested  countries ;  or  a  committee  selected  equally  by  the  Prime  Minister  of  Eng¬ 
land  and  the  elected  representatives  of  Ireland,  the  chairman  to  be  agreed  upon 
by  parties,  or,  in  case  of  failure  to  agree,  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States. 

We  now  beg  leave  to  point  out  that  in  the  report  heretofore  forwarded  to 
you  the  most  revolting  acts  committed  against  the  people  of  Ireland  were  not 
included,  for  the  reason  that  many  of  the  details  of  evidence  covering  the  same 
are  in  the  exclusive  possession  of  the  chief  secretary  for  Ireland,  Mr.  Ian  Mac- 
Pherson,  and  military  and  other  officials  under  his  authority. 

The  substantial  accuracy  of  our  report  has  been  attested  by  some  of  the  more 
progressive  and  independent  newspapers  of  England ;  but  in  view  of  certain 
public  statements  by  English  officials  and  certain  newspapers,  we  beg  to  make 
the  following  additions  to  our  report : 

(1)  Since  the  submission  thereof,  through  use  of  an  army  of  spies  and 
agents  provocateurs,  reprisals  have  begun  against  the  persons  and  property  of 
those  who  are  to  bear  witness  to  the  truth  of  many  of  the  atrocities  reported; 
and  men  and  women  are  being  arrested  upon  trumped-up  charges  and  trans¬ 
ported  to  places  distant  from  their  homes  and  friends,  so  as  to  be  deprived  of 
assistance  or  defense. 


816 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY* 


(2)  The  only  charge  In  the  report  heretofore  submitted  to  you  which  has, 
so  far  as  we  know,  received  specific  denial  at  the  hands  of  any  English  authority 
is  the  following: 

“  Police  and  soldiers  are  habitually  permitted  to  enter  the  cells  where  political 
prisoners  are  confined  and  to  beat  them  with  their  clubs.” 

We  are  ready  to  substantiate  this  charge  before  the  commission  of  Inquiry, 
(a)  by  the  production  of  large  numbers  of  witnesses  who  have  been  thus 
beaten;  (b)  by  proof  of  witnesses  of  the  highest  standing,  including  American 
citizens,  who  examined  the  ceils  of  the  prisoners  shortly  after  the  beatings 
and  found  the  fresh  blood  still  covering  the  walls  of  the  cells;  (c)  by  the  pro¬ 
duction  of  prisoners  wiiose  injuries  did  not  prove  fatal,  but  who  have  been 
maimed  and  disfigured  for  life  by  the  beatings  of  the  soldiers  and  police. 

In  view  of  the  conditions  in  Ireland  as  herein  and  heretofore  set  forth,  which 
W’e  earnestly  insist  can  not  be  ignored  if  the  peace  of  the  world  is  to  be  ac¬ 
complished,  as  wrell  as  the  fact  that  if  prompt  action  is  not  taken  many  more 
innocent  lives  may  be  lost,  and  further  brutalities  committed,  with  the  apparent 
sanction  of  other  nations;  that  evidence  now  in  existence  may  be  destroyed, 
and  witnesses  placed  beyond  the  reach  of  the  commission  of  inquiry,  we  re¬ 
spectfully  request  that  you  will  be  good  enough  to  at  once  place  these  additional 
facts  before  the  peace  conference  and  urge  upon  it  the  necessity  and  justice 
of  prompt  acquiescence  in  the  demand  for  a  hearing  before  an  impartial  tri¬ 
bunal  such  as  heretofore  described. 

With  considerations  of  our  continued  esteem  and  gr<jp.t  respect, 

Sincerely, 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 


E.  F.  Dunne. 


The  President  of  the  United  States,  Paris. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris ,  June  17,  1919. 


Col.  E.  M.  House, 

Member  of  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace,  Paris. 

Dear  Col.  House:  We  inclose  you  herewith  copy  of  letter  wdiich  vre  ars 
to-day  sending  to  the  President,  in  reference  to  conditions  existing  in  Ireland. 
Sincerely, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 


(Similar  letters  sent  to  Messrs.  Bliss  and  White.) 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  17,  1919. 


Hon.  Robert  Lansing, 

Secretary  of  State  and  American 

Commissioner  to  Negotiate  Peace,  Paris. 

Dear  Sir:  We  inclose  you  herewith  copies  of  letter  which  we  are  to-day 
sending  to  the  President,  in  reference  to  conditions  existing  in  Ireland. 

We  respectfully  request  that  you  transmit  one  copy  of  this  letter  to  the 
Senate  and  one  to  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  in  con¬ 
formity  with  the  customs  and  practices  of  your  department 
Sincerely, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  IS,  1919. 

Right  Honorable  Lord  Birkenhead, 

Lord  Chancellor  of  England, 

House  of  Lords, 

London,  England. 

Sir:  We  hand  you  herewith  copy  of  letter  sent  on  the  17th  instant  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  containing  additional  atrocities  being  corn- 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


817 


mitted  by  the  English  Government  in  Ireland,  so  that  you  may  he  informed. 
Copies  of  this  letter  have  also  been  sent  to  Mr.  Lansing,  Secretary  of  State, 
for  transmission  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman . 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

Similar  letters  were  also  sent  to  Messrs.  David  Lloyd-George,  Bonar  Law, 
the  London  Times,  the  Daily  Mail,  the  Daily  Herald,  Manchester  Guardian, 
the  Morning  Post,  and  other  widely-known  English  newspapers. 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Pans,  18,  1919. 

Gentlemen  :  Gen.  Bliss  has  received  your  letter  of  17  June,  1919,  inclosing 
coply  of  letter  of  even  date  to  the  President  in  reference  to  conditions  existing 
in  Ireland,  and  has  asked  me  to  acknowledge  its  receipt,  with  his  thanks. 
Sincerely,  yours, 

W.  B.  Wallace,  Colonel,  General  Staff . 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

Paris,  June  19,  1919. 


The  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 


Paris. 

Gentlemen  :  We  inclose  to  you  herewith  copy  of  letter  this  day  forwarded  to 
Hon.  David  Lloyd-George,  British  prime  minister,  relating  to  the  ease  of 
Countess  Markievicz. 

If  your  honorable  commission  can  officially  or  individually  aid  in  securing 
the  release  of  this  worthy  woman,  we  beg  to  assure  you  that  the  ends  of 
justice  will  be  served  thereby,  and  that  it  will  be  an  act  of  humanity  for  which 
you  will  receive  the  kindly  gratitude  of  many  millions  of  people. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  19,  1919. 

Hon.  David  Lloyd-George, 

British  Prime  Minister,  Paris. 

Sir  :  We  desire  to  respectfully  call  your  attention  to  the  case  of  Countess 
Markievicz,  and  to  enter  our  most  solemn  protest  against  the  conduct  of  the 
British  Government  and  its  officials  toward  her. 

On  June  6,  1919,  we  had  the  honor  to  submit  to  you,  for  your  official  consid¬ 
eration  and  action  as  Prime  Minister  of  Great  Britain  a  report  of  certain 
atrocities  and  cruelties  inflicted  by  the  English  army  of  occupation  on  the  in¬ 
habitants  of  Ireland,  with  a  demand  for  the  appointment  of  a  special  committee 
of  inquiry  by  the  peace  conference. 

We  have  been  advised  that  the  Countess  Markievicz,  who  is  a  member  of  the 
Irish  parliament  and  minister  of  labor  in  the  Irish  republican  cabinet,  has  been 
arrested  and  confined  in  jail  upon  an  inconsequential  charge;  and  that  the 
punishment  now  being  inflicted  upon  her  is  in  the  nature  of  a  reprisal  and  in 
retaliation  for  giving  information  in  regard  to  certain  of  the  atrocities  con¬ 
tained  in  our  report. 

We  wish  to  point  out  that  the  Countess  Markievicz  is  a  woman  of  refine¬ 
ment,  splendid  intellectual  gifts,  courageous  spirit,  and  of  spotless  character, 
and  has  a  place  deep  in  the  affections  of  the  people  of  Ireland  as  well  as  many 
millions  in  the  United  States. 

During  our  interviews  with  the  Countess  Markievicz  in  Dublin  a  few  weeks 
ago,  we  observed  that  while  she  is  a  woman  of  high  spirit  and  strong  will, 
her  health  is  not  robust,  and  we  greatly  fear  that  the  harshness  of  jail  life  may 
result  in  her  death. 


818 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


Our  reasons  for  making  the  charge  that  the  cruelties  now  being  inflicted  upon 
the  Countess  Markievicz  are  in  the  nature  of  reprisals  by  the  British  Govern¬ 
ment  are  as  follows:  • 

(1)  Much  of  the  detailed  evidence  of  atrocities  committed  against  women 
prisoners  in  Ireland  was  furnished  us  by  the  Countess  Markievicz. 

(2)  She  has  in  her  possession  the  evidence  of  certain  unspeakable  outrages, 
the  details  of  which  have  not  yet  been  published,  but  which  we  intend  to  sub¬ 
mit  to  the  commission  of  inquiry  when  selected  by  the  peace  conference. 

(3)  We  have  indubitable  proof  at  hand  that  during  the  course  of  our  in¬ 
vestigation  in  Ireland  the  Countess  Markievicz  was  shadowed  by  spies  in  the 
employ  of  the  British  Government,  and  direct  threats  were  made  against  her 
during  the  progress  of  our  inquiry. 

(4)  She  was  arrested  on  a  frivolous  charge  after  our  report  was  sent  to  you, 
and  while  publication  of  it  was  absolutely  forbidden  in  Ireland,  where  the  facts 
were  easily  ascertainable,  and  during  the  time  the  same  was  being  withheld 
from  publication  by  the  English  press. 

(5)  The  sentence  imposed  upon  her  is  for  a  length  of  time  which  would  keep 
her  in  jail  during  the  inquiry  that  may  be  made  by  the  peace  conference. 

(6)  The  alleged  utterances  for  which  she  is  now  imprisoned  were  made  a 
month  or  more  before  her  arrest,  and  no  action  had  been  taken  upon  them, 
as  we  are  informed,  until  after  the  receipt  of  our  report  on  English  atrocities 
by  the  chief  secretary  for  Ireland,  Mr.  Ian  MacPherson. 

(7)  That  during  our  visit  to  Ireland  we  heard  many  public  qtterances  of  the 
same  import  as  those  for  which  the  Countess  Markievicz  is  in  jail,  delivered  in 
and  out  of  the  Irish  parliament,  and  upon  which  no  action  whatever  was  taken 
by  the  Government. 

We  sincerely  hope  that,  animated  by  a  decent  regard  for  the  opinion  of  man¬ 
kind,  which  we  know  you  cherish,  and  in  view  of  the  foregoing  considerations, 
especially  having  in  mind  the  danger  to  the  life  of  the  Countess  Markievicz 
through  continued  suffering  in  jail,  you  will  use  your  great  powers  and  author¬ 
ity  as  prime  minister  of  Great  Britain  to  secure  the  immediate  release  of  this 
worthy  woman. 

We  have,  moreover,  reason  to  apprehend  that  arrests  of  other  women  who 
suffered  atrocities  on  their  own  persons  while  in  jail,  or  who  were  witnesses  to 
them  being  practiced  on  others,  are  impending,  and  that  it  is  the  purpose  of 
the  English  Government  to  imprison  in  Ireland  or  remove  from  that  country 
men  and  women  whose  testimony  may  be  indispensible  to  the  proposed  investi¬ 
gation. 

We  wish  to  assure  you  that  we  are  not  making  this  request  at  the  instance 
of  the  Countess  Markievicz,  nor  at  the  suggestion  of  the  representatives  of  the 
republican  government  in  Ireland,  but  on  the  grounds — 

(a)  Of  our  common  humanity;  and 

(b)  So  that  when  the  committee  of  inquiry  is  appointed  those  upon  whom 
atrocities  have  been  practiced,  or  who  have  witnessed  the  same,  will  not  be 
dead,  incarcerated  in  prison,  or  so  broken  in  health  as  to  be  unable  to  attend 
the  hearing. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman, 

E.  F.  Dunne. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  20,  1919. 

American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris. 

Gentlemen  :  We  beg  to  advise  you  that  the  American  Federation  of  Labor 
at  its  national  annual  session  now  being  held  at  Atlantic  City,  N.  J.,  by  unani¬ 
mous  vote  adopted  a  resolution  urging  the  international  recognition  of  the  re¬ 
publican  form  of  government  now  existing  in  Ireland  and  urging  the  peace 
conference  to  give  a  hearing  to  Eamon  de  Valera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and  Count 
George  Noble  Plunkett  on  the  case  of  Ireland. 

May  we  point  out  some  of  the  reasons  which  we  respectfully  submit  should 
move  your  honorable  body  to  make  every  effort  to  have  this  resolution  complied 
with : 

(1)  The  American  Federation  of  Labor  has  enrolled  in  its  membership  more 
than  3,000,000  men  and  women,  with  a  sphere  of  legitimate  influence  embracing 
many  millions  more. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


819 


(2)  The  American  Federation  of  Labor  contributed  a  high  percentage  to  the 
overseas  army  of  the  American  Expeditionary  Forces. 

(3)  The  organization  was  the  basis  and  strong  bulwark  of  the  division  of  in¬ 
dustry  behind  the  military  forces  of  the  United  States,  without  which  the  war 
could  not  have  been  won. 

(4)  Mainly  through  the  efforts  of  this  great  organization,  its  veteran  leader, 
and  other  otlicials  the  productivity  of  our  country  during  the  great  World  War 
was  maintained  at  the  highest  point,  and  not  one  day’s  delay  was  occasioned  in 
the  production  of  essential  war  materials  by  strikes  or  labor  disputes. 

(5)  The  American  Federation  of  Labor,  aside  from  its  purely  industrial 
activities,  is,  we  believe,  without  exaggeration,  the  most  powerful  force  existent 
in  the  world  to-day  for  the  maintenance  of  that  democracy  cherished  and  prac¬ 
ticed  by  us,  and  for  the  universal  establishment  of  which  America  entered  the 
World  War;  and  to  which  the  world  must  look  for  safety  amid  the  clash  of 
conflicting  governmental  ideas,  ranging  from  the  reactionary  ambitions  of  mon¬ 
archies  and  autocracies  to  the  extreme  dangers  of  unrestraint  and  chaos. 

We  also  take  this  occasion  to  point  out  that  since  we  made  our  original  re¬ 
quest  to  your  honorable  body  on  behalf  of  the  Irish  race  in  America,  urging  you 
to  endeavor  to  secure  a  hearing  for  the  Irish  case  before  the  peace  conference, 
the  United  States  Senate,  with  practical  unanimity,  has  made  the  same  request; 
and  we  have  transmitted  to  you  from  bodies  representing  vast  numbers  of 
American  citizens  of  all  shades  of  political  belief,  composing  all  groups  which 
make  up  our  national  life,  cablegrams  to  the  same  effect. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  day  is  so  close  at  hand  upon  which  we  all  earn¬ 
estly  hope  the  terms  of  peace  will  be  signed,  with  the  greatest  respect,  but 
with  all  urgency,  we  would  ask  the  favor  of  a  reply  to  the  following  questions: 

(«)  Has  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace  or  any  individual 
member  thereof  made  a  request  to  the  general  peace  conference  .for  a  hearing 
for  Messrs,  de  Valera,  Grith,  and  Plunkett? 

(6)  Has  your  honorable  body,  or  any  individual  member  thereof,  made  a 
request  to  the  peace  conference  for  the  international  recognition  of  the  Irish 
republic? 

(c)  Has  your  honorable  body,  or  any  individual  member  thereof,  made 
request  of  the  peace  conference  for  any  person  or  persons  to  present  the  case 
of  Ireland,  and  its  right  to  self-determination,  to  the  peace  conference? 

(d)  If  all  or  any  such  requests  have  been  made,  have  the  same  been  con¬ 
sidered  by  the  peace  conference ;  and  if  so,  has  answer  thereto  been  received 
from  the  peace  conference  or  any  official  representative  thereof? 

(e)  If  such  requests  have  not  been  made,  will  your  honorable  body  be  good 
enough,  in  view  of  the  manifold  petitions  and  appeals  herein  referred  to,  and 
in  the  cause  of  humanity  and  justice,  make  such  requests,  or  any  thereof  which 
you  may  deem  proper ;  and  if  so,  promptly  advise  us  as  to  the  result  or  make 
"the*  same  public,  so  that  all  of  your  petitioners  may  be  advised. 

With  considerations  of  our  great  respect  and  esteem,  we  are, 

Sincerely, 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chair  man. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  20,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  President:  We  inclose  herewith,  for  your  information,  copy  of 
letter  addressed  to  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace,  which  was 
this  day  delivered  to  Mr.  J.  C.  Grew,  secretary  general. 

Sincerely, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  Paris. 

(Similar  letters  were  sent  to  Messrs.  Lansing,  House,  Bliss,  and  White.) 
135549°— 10 - 5  ’ 


820 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris,  June  21,  1919 . 

My  Dear  Sm:  I  beg  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  June  17, 
which  arrived  during  the  President’s  absence  in  Brussels,  and  to  say  that  1 
am  bringing  it  to  his  personal  attention. 

Sincerely,  yours, 


Gilbert  F.  Close. 


Mr.  Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris . 


Confidential  Secretary  to  the  President. 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Paris,  June  21,  1919 . 


Mr.  Frank  P.  Walsh, 

American  Commission  for  Irish  Independence, 

Grand  Hotel,  Paris. 


Sm:  I  beg  to  acknowledge,  on  behalf  of  the  American  Commission  to  Nego¬ 
tiate  Peace,  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  June  20,  in  which  you  advise  the  com¬ 
mission  of  a  resolution  adopted  by  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  at  its 
annual  session  now  being  held  at  Atlantic  City  and  ask  certain  questions  with 
regard  to  the  recent  Senate  resolution. 

In  reply  to  your  letter  I  beg  to  inform  you  that,  in  accordance  with  advice 
which  has  already  been  given  you.  a  copy  of  the  said  Senate  resolution  was 
forwarded  to  the  president  of  the  peace  conference,  Mr.  Clemenceau.  Mr. 
Clemenceau,  alone,  is  competent  to  bring  this  whole  question  to  the  attention 
of  the  conference.  Beyond  this,  of  course — as  you  very  readily  will  appre¬ 
ciate — neither  the  American  commission  as  a  whole  nor  any  of  its  individual 
members  can  take  any  further  steps  in  the  premises. 

I  am,  sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 


J.  C.  Grew,  Secretary  General. 


[Copy  of  telegram,] 

Paris,  June  25,  1919. 

Ian  MacPherson, 

Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  Dublin  Castle,  Dublin,  Ireland. 

Proof  has  been  submitted  to  us  at  Paris  that  you  are  using  your  official  power 
as  well  as  the  forces  of  the  English  Army  of  Occupation  in  Ireland  to  suppress 
our  full  reply  to  your  answer  to  our  report  on  conditions  in  Ireland,  which  was 
made  on  the  21st  instant.  Your  answer,  published  broadcast,  made  denials  of 
certain  portions  of  our  report  and  serious  personal  accusations  against  us.  We 
are  also  advised  that  through  the  same  instrumentalities  you  are  suppressing 
altogether  or  causing  to  be  printed  garbled  accounts  of  statements  and  affidavits 
made  by  individuals  and  officials  in  Ireland  supporting  the  report  of  our  com¬ 
mission  and  challenging  the  accuracy  of  your  answer.  We  most  earnestly  pro¬ 
test  against  this  unfair  procedure  and  arbitrary  abuse  of  authority  as  repugnant 
to  the  modern  conception  of  justice  and  fair  play  held  by  right  thinking  men 
and  women,  which  we  had  hoped  applied  to  the  English  officials  In  Ireland  as 
well  as  to  the  rest  of  mankind. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence* 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman* 

E.  F.  Dunne. 


Note. — This  telegram  was  never  answered. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  27,  1919. 

M.  Georges  Clemenceau, 

President  of  the  Peace  Conference  and  Premier  of  France,  Paris. 

Monsieur  le  President:  We  have  received  formal  notification  from  the  secre¬ 
tary  general  of  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace  that  the  whole 
Irish  question  is  now  referable  to  you  alone. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


821 


We  therefore  beg  leave,  as  the  representatives  of  the  Irish  race  in  America, 
to  submit  to  you  copies  of  the  following  documents,  i.  e. : 

(a)  The  repudiation  by  the  representatives  of  the  Irish  republic  of  the 
usurped  right  of  England  to  enter  into  obligations  or  agreements  affecting 
Ireland. 

(b)  Official  report  of  the  American  commission  on  Irish  independence  on 
conditions  in  Ireland  with  demand  for  investigation  by  the  peace  conference. 

Pending  action  by  the  full  peace  conference  upon  the  request  already  sub¬ 
mitted  to  you  by  Messrs.  Sean  T.  O'Ceallaigh  and  George  Gavan  Duffy,  the  en¬ 
voys  of  the  Irish  republic  at  Paris,  for  a  full  hearing  before  the  peace  con¬ 
ference,  we  desire  to  urge  upon  you  the  urgent  necessity  of  the  early  creation 
of  an  impartial  commission  of  inquiry  to  investigate  and  report  upon  the  actual 
state  of  war  now  existing  between  the  people  of  Ireland  and  the  English  Army 
of  occupation,  with  especial  reference  to  the  atrocities  and  acts  of  barbarism 
still  being  perpetrated. 

Since  the  filing  of  our  original  report  with  President  Wilson  and  the  Ameri¬ 
can  commission  to  negotiate  peace,  the  following  acts  of  savagery  are  being 
perpetrated  by  the  English  Army  of  occupation  on  the  Irish  people,  which  we 
submit  are  in  violation  of  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare,  and  which,  if  per¬ 
mitted  to  continue,  will  render  impassible  the  just  pacification  of  the  world 
for  which  its  people  are  so  earnestly  striving: 

(1 )  Lives  are  being  taken,  or  men  and  women  are  being  maimed  and  wounded 
daily. 

(2)  An  organized  effort  to  destroy  the  homes  of  the  peoples  of  Ireland  is 
being  waged ; 

(3)  Orders  of  banishment  are  issued  frequently  against  people,  commanding 
them  to  leave  their  homes  at  the  risk  of  death  and  under  penalty  of  imprison¬ 
ment  ; 

(4)  Raids  are  being  made  upon  peaceful  towns  and  villages  by  aeroplanes: 

(5)  The  homes  and  places  of  business  of  the  inhabitants  are  beiing  invaded 
and  ransacked;  looting  is  being  carried  on  in  a  most  shameful  manner; 

(6)  Property  of  great  value  is  being  confiscated,  for  which  reparation  will  be 
impossible,  unless  opportunity  is  quickly  given  to  prove  and  inventory  the 
losses ; 

(7)  Barricades  and  emplacements  for  artillery  and  machine  guns  are  being 
erected,  which  menace  the  lives  and  property  of  the  people; 

(S)  The  meeting  places  of  the  workers  of  Ireland  are  surrounded  bv  ma¬ 
chine  guns,  so  that  the  workers  are  in  imminent  peril  of  death  while  endeavor¬ 
ing  to  carry  on  the  lawful  and  ordinary  activities  of  their  organizations; 

(9)  Reprisals  of  a  cruel  and  unusual  character  are  being  practiced  in  retali¬ 
ation  for  the  efforts  to  present  the  case  of  Ireland  to  the  peace  conference ; 

(10)  Delicate  and  aged  men  and  women  are  being  confined  in  noisome  and 
Insanitary  jails  solely  on  account  of  their  political  opinions. 

As  the  president  of  the  peace  conference,  to  which  the  peoples  of  the  world 
are  looking  for  the  establishment  of  peace,  and  the  adoption  of  instrumentalities 
which  will  put  an  end  to  existing  wars  and  prevent  future  conflicts,  we  most 
earnestly  urge  upon  you  the  immediate  presentation  of  the  accompanying  docu¬ 
ments  to  your  honorable  body,  and  the  great  necessity  for  early  action  thereon. 

With  considerations  of  our  high  esteem  and  respect,  we  are, 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 


[Personal  and  urgent.] 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  July  22,  1019. 

M.  Georges  Clemenceau, 

President  of  the  Peace  Conference  and  Premier  of  France ,  Paris. 

Monsieur  le  President:  We  are  in  receipt  of  information  from  sources  of 
high  authorities  that,  as  president  of  the  peace  conference,  you  have  notified 
American  peace  plenipotentiaries  that,  so  far  as  further  consideration  of  the 
Irish  question  is  concerned,  the  matter  is  one  in  which  you  will  take  no  action. 
We  understand  this  decision  covers: 


822 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


1.  That  the  resolution  of  the  American  Senate,  officially  forwarded  to  you 
by  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace,  and  the  recommendations 
contained  therein  expressing  sympathetic  support  to  the  people  of  Ireland  in 
their  efforts  to  obtain  a  government  of  their  own  choice,  is,  by  this  action, 
denied  in  a  manner  suggestive  of  your  entire  disregard  of  American  public 
opinion  as  rendered  in  the  deliberate  resolution  of  our  highest  legislative  body. 

2.  That  the  peace  conference  further  ignores  the  request  of  the  Hon.  Messrs. 
Walsh  and  Dunne  for  the  appointment  of  an  international  tribunal  to  investi¬ 
gate  into  the  charges  of  barbarities  and  inhuman  conduct,  in  violation  of  the 
rules  of  civilized  warfare,  perpetrated  by  the  British  Government  through  its 
military  forces  in  occupation  of  Ireland,  and  upon  its  defenseless  people. 

The  knowledge  of  your  decision  in  these  matters,  has  been  up  to  now  with¬ 
held  from  the  American  public.  The  results  of  the  publication  of  this  informa¬ 
tion  will  doubtless  have  very  material  weight  at  this  time  while  the  attention 
of  the  United  States  Senate  is  occupied  in  matters  of  International  importance, 
in  which,  we  feel  France  has  a  material  interest.  Arrangements  have  already 
been  made  for  giving  widespread  publicity  in  America  to  this  decision  on  your 
part.  But  before  taking  this  step,  we  respectfully  suggest  that  an  audience 
may  be  granted  by  you  to  the  undersigned  to  present  the  importance  of  the 
situation,  particularly  in  this  relation  to  the  future  interests  of  France,  of 
America,  and  of  Great  Britain. 

There  are  20,000,000  citizens  of  Irish  blood  in  the  United  States,  and  the 
effect  of  this  information,  when  published  there,  needs  no  characterization  by 
us  to  indicate  how  grave  may  be  the  danger  to  the  continuance  of  those  same 
relations  of  amity  and  esteem  that  have  marked  the  friendships  existing  be¬ 
tween  the  French,  American,  and  Irish  peoples. 

Trusting  that  I  may  be  accorded  the  honor  of  this  audience  with  you  at 
your  earliest  possible  convenience,  and,  with  assurances  of  high  esteem  and 
respect,  we  have  the  honor  to  remain, 

Sincerely,  yours, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
John  Archdeacon  Murphy, 

Commissioner  in  Charge. 


Report  on  Conditions  in  Ireland  With  Demand  for  Investigation  by  the 

Peace  Conference. 

The  Irish  race  convention  held  in  Philadelphia  on  the  22d  and  23d  of  Feb¬ 
ruary,  1919,  provided  by  resolution  for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of  25 
by  the  chairman,  and  instructed  it  to  use  all  honorable  means  to  secure  for 
Ireland  her  right  of  self-determination. 

This  general  committee  selected  from  its  own  body  Frank  P.  Walsh,  of  New 
York,  former  Gov.  Edward  F.  Dunne,  of  Illinois ;  and  Michael  J.  Ryan,  of  Phila¬ 
delphia,  as  a  special  commission  to  go  to  Paris.  The  instructions  of  this  special 
committee  were  as  follows : 

“  To  obtain  for  the  delegates  selected  by  the  people  of  Ireland  a  hearing  at 
the  peace  conference,  and  to  place  before  the  conference,  if  that  hearing  be  not 
given,  the  case  of  Ireland ;  her  insistence  upon  her  right  of  self-determination ; 
and  to  international  recognition  of  the  republican  form  of  government  estab¬ 
lished  by  her  people.” 

Upon  their  arrival  at  Paris  a  letter  signed  by  all  the  commissioners  was 
addressed  to  President  Wilson  asking  him  to  obtain  from  the  British  Govern¬ 
ment  safe  conducts  for  Eamon  de  Yalera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and  Count  George 
Noble  Plunkett,  the  representatives  selected  by  the  people  of  Ireland,  from 
Dublin  to  Paris  and  return ;  and  also  asking  him  to  accord  an  interview  to  the 
American  commission. 

In  response  to  this  letter  the  President  wrote  to  Mr.  Walsh,  chairman  of  the 
commission,  granting  him  an  interview,  and  fixing  the  time. 

The  President  gave  an  exhaustive  hearing  to  the  case  as  presented  by  Mr. 
Walsh,  and  referred  him  to  Col.  E.  M.  House  with  instructions  to  say  that  he 
believed  the  request  a  proper  one,  and  that  it  should  be  granted. 

The  entire  commission  waited  upon  Col.  House,  advised  him  of  the  sugges¬ 
tion  of  the  President,  and  presented  the  request  in  writing  for  safe  conducts 
for  Messrs.  De  Valera,  Griffith,  and  Plunkett.  Col.  House  promised  to  take  the 
matter  up  with  Mr.  Lloyd-George  immediately  and  to  use  every  effort  to  have 
the  safe  conducts  granted. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


823 


Upon  the  following  day  Col.  nouse  announced  to  the  commission,  who  again 
called  upon  him  in  a  body,  that  he  had  communicated  with  the  prime  minister 
of  England,  and  that  in  all  likelihood  the  safe  conducts  would  be  granted ;  but 
that  Mr.  Lloyd-George  was  very  desirous  of  having  an  interview  with  the 
American  commissioners  personally  and  would  be  glad  to  have  Chairman  Walsh 
take  up  the  matter  of  fixing  the  time  and  place  for  the  meeting  with  Mr.  Lloyd- 
George’s  confidential  secretary,  Mr.  Philip  Kerr. 

The  commission  notified  Col.  House  at  once  that  they  did  not  seek  a  confer¬ 
ence  with  Mr.  Lloyd-George;  doubted  very  much  the  wisdom  or  propriety  of 
meeting  him,  but  finally  agreed  to  do  so  as  a  matter  of  courtesy. 

Later  in  the  day  the  entire  commission  called  upon  Col.  House  and  stated 
that,  under  no  circumstances  did  they  wish  to  be  relegated  to  Mr.  Lloyd-George 
on  the  question  of  the  issuance  of  the  safe  conducts,  but  were  relying  upon  him, 
Col.  House,  as  one  of  the  American  commissioners,  to  secure  compliance  with 
the  request,  if  possible.  With  this  clear  understanding  they  would  meet  the 
Prime  Minister. 

Mr.  Lloyd-George,  on  the  plea  of  being  closely  occupied  with  the  preparation 
of  the  German  peace  terms,  put  off  the  proposed  meeting  with  the  delegates 
from  time  to  time,  covering  a  period  of  something  like  two  weeks. 

The  American  commission  finally  called  upon  Col.  House,  explained  once 
more  that  no  part  of  the  duties  of  their  mission  called  for  a  meeting  with  Mr. 
Lloyd-George,  and  asked  him  to  address  a  formal  request  for  the  safe  conducts 
for  Messrs.  De  Valera,  Griffith,  and  Plunkett,  to  Mr.  Lloyd-George,  and  secure, 
if  possible,  a  prompt  and  direct  answer  to  that  request. 

Upon  the  same  day,  and  shortly  before  the  visit  of  the  commission  to 
Col.  House,  Messrs.  Sean  T.  O’Ceallaigh  and  George  Gavan  Duffy,  the  repre¬ 
sentative  of  the  Irish  republic  in  Paris,  conveyed  an  invitation  from  President 
De  Valera  to  the  commission  to  visit  Dublin,  and  gave,  among  other  reasons, 
the  necessity  for  a  conference  upon  matters  of  grave  importance  at  the  time 
transpiring  in  Ireland. 

When  we  arrived  at  the  office  of  Col.  House  in  the  Hotel  Crillon  that  evening 
to  receive  an  answer  from  Mr.  Lloyd-George,  we  found  Sir  William  Wiseman, 
the  liaison  officer  between  the  American  and  British  embassies  in  Paris.  He 
presented  the  apologies  of  Mr.  Lloyd-George  for  the  delay,  and  said  that  Mr. 
Lloyd-George  would  like  to  fix  a  time  for  the  interview  upon  some  day  of  the 
following  week.  Mr.  Walsh,  speaking  for  the  commission,  replied  that  if  they 
were  to  remain  another  week  in  Paris  before  receiving  an  answer  to  their 
request  for  the  safe  conducts,  they  wished  to  use  the  time  in  a  visit  to  Ireland 
for  the  purpose  of  meeting  the  representatives  of  the  Irish  people  and  of  mak¬ 
ing  a  first-hand  investigation  of  conditions  in  Ireland. 

As  the  passports  of  the  members  of  the  commission  did  not  include  England 
and  Ireland,  it  was  necessary  to  have  them  amended,  which  was  expeditiously 
done,  the  amended  passports  reading  that  the  members  of  the  commission  were 
going  to  Ireland  on  an  “unofficial  political  mission,”  and  the  forms  of  the  pass¬ 
ports  were  made  diplomatic,  which  greatly  facilitated  their  movements. 

It  should  be  noted  that  after  the  visit  to  Ireland  demands  were  made  in  the 
English  Parliament  for  a  full  report  from  the  prime  minister  as  to  whether  or 
not  it  was  true  that  he  intended  issuing  safe  conducts  to  the  Irish  representa¬ 
tives,  and  also  if  it  was  his  purpose  to  have  an  interview  in  Paris  with  the 
members  of  the  American  commission. 

Mr.  Bonar  Law,  leader  of  the  House  of  Commons,  made  official  answer  for 
the  prime  minister  and  stated  that  Mr.  Lloyd-George  had  not  and  never  had 
the  slightest  intention  of  granting  safe  conducts  to  the  Irish  representatives. 
He  said  that  Mr.  Lloyd-George  had  agreed  to  the  visit  of  the  American  commis¬ 
sion  to  Ireland,  hoping  upon  their  return  that  he  could  press  upon  them  the 
“  English  point  of  view,”  to  be  used  as  propaganda  in  America. 

The  lord  chancellor,  officially  replying  to  the  same  questions  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  likewise  denied,  on  behalf  of  the  prime  minister,  that  there  was  ever 
any  intention  to  grant  safe  conducts  to  Messrs.  De  Valera,  Griffith,  and 
Plunkett,  and  declared  it  was  the  purpose  of  the  prime  minister  to  have  present 
at  his  interview  with  the  American  commission  upon  their  return  from  Ireland 
all  of  the  American  newspaper  correspondents,  so  that  he  (the  prime  minister) 
might  make  a  statement  of  England’s  attitude  on  the  Irish  problem  which 
would  tend  to  allay  the  growing  prejudice  against  England  in  the  United 
States. 

When  the  passports  were  handed  to  the  American  commissioners  on  the  morn¬ 
ing  of  their  departure  for  Ireland,  Sir  William  Wiseman  stated  that  Mr.  Lloyd- 


824 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


George  wished  the  commission  to  go  to  all  parts  of  Ireland,  If  possible  and 
it  was  his  especial  request  that  they  should  visit  Belfast. 

Upon  repeating  Sir  William  Wiseman’s  resuest  to  Messrs.  Sean  T.  O'Ceallaigh 
and  George  Gavan  Duffy,  the  envoys  of  the  Irish  republican  government  at 
Fails,  they  joined  in  the  request  that  we  should  make  a  close  investigation  of 
conditions  in  Ireland,  and  especially  urged  that  we  should  visit  the  jails,  par¬ 
ticularly  those  in  the  larger  cities,  where,  they  asserted,  hundreds  of  men  and 
women  were  confined  under  circumstances  of  the  most  shocking  nature. 

Crossing  the  Irish  Sea  from  Holyhead  to  Dunleary  we  came  upon  the  first 
evidence  of  the  military  occupation  of  Ireland.  The  vessel  and  wharves  swarmed 
with  soldiers,  fully  equipped  for  the  field,  going  to  and  coming  from  Ireland. 

When  we  arrived  in  Ireland  we  found  soldiers  everywhere.  A  careful  investi¬ 
gation  made  on  the  day  before  we  left  Ireland  showed  that  the  army  of 
occupation  numbers  considerably  over  100,000  men,  to  which  accessions  are 
being  made  daily.  The  troops  are  equipped  with  lorries,  armored  cars,  tanks, 
machine  guns,  bombing  planes,  light  and  heavy  artillery;  and  in  fact  all  of  the 
engines  of  war  lately  employed  against  the  Central  Powers. 

In  addition  to  this  there  are  approximately  15,000  members  of  the  Royal 
Irish  Constabulary.  The  constabulary  is  a  branch  of  the  military  forces.  They 
are  armed  with  rifles,  as  well  as  small  side  arms,  engage  In  regular  drill  and 
field  maneuvers.  They  are  never  residents  of  the  districts  which  they  occupy, 
and  have  quarters  in  regular  government  barracks. 

After  our  arrival  In  Ireland  we  conferred  with  President  De  Yalera  as  to  the 
prison^  which  we  should  visit,  and  Mountjoy  Jail,  in  the  city  of  Dublin,  was 
selected,  for  the  reason  that  it  contained  a  large  number  of  political  prisoners, 
many  of  them  men  of  the  highest  character  and  standing.  Mountjoy,  so  far 
as  physical  equipment  and  brutality  of  conduct  goes,  is  not  as  bad  as  many  of 
the  other  jails  in  Ireland. 

We  made  our  demand  for  permission  to  visit  this  jail  through  the  municipal 
authorities  of  the  city  of  Dublin.  The  governor  of  the  prison,  a  resident  of 
England,  who  had  been  in  office  but  a  few  weeks,  refused  us  admission. 
It  was  then  explained  to  Sir  John  Irwin,  chairman  of  the  visiting  justices 
of  Mountjoy  prison,  that  the  commission  was  traveling  on  diplomatic  pass¬ 
ports  and  was  investigating  conditions  in  Ireland,  partly  at  the  solicitation 
of  the  prime  minister.  With  this  explanation  Sir  John  Irwin,  who  is  in  su¬ 
preme  authority  of  the  jail,  overruled  the  decision  of  the  governor  and  we 
were  admitted  to  Mountjoy. 

When  we  appeared  at  the  gate  we  were  ushered  Into  the  office  of  the 
governor,  wThere  we  found  Sir  John  Irwin.  The  governor  told  us  that  we 
were  to  be  admitted  to  the  prison,  but  with  the  understanding  that  we  should 
not  speak  to  any  prisoner  nor  seek  to  fix  the  identity  of  any  prisoner 
exhibited. 

Although  Mountjoy  Is  called  a  jail  it  Is,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  a  combination 
of  jail  and  penitentiary.  It  .is  surrounded  by  a  stone  wall  20  feet  in  height, 
and  is  larger  than  any  of  the  midwestern  American  penitentiaries,  such  as 
Jefferson  City  or  Joliet,  and  almost  as  large  as  Sing  Sing.  It  has  immense 
cell  houses,  built  to  accommodate  approximately  1,000  prisoners.  It  is  equipped 
with  workshops,  where  men  convicted  of  serious  crimes  are  confined  at  hard 
labor.  It  is  also  used  for  the  confinement  of  persons  awaiting  trial,  as  well 
as  misdemeanants  serving  sentences  for  petty  offenses. 

Exclusive  of  the  political  prisoners,  there  were  hut  12  persons  in  confinement, 
all  of  them  undergoing  sentence  for  petty  infractions  of  law. 

One  of  the  men  who  accompanied  us  upon  the  visit  was  an  official  of  the  city 
of  Dublin,  well  acquainted  with  all  of  the  political  prisoners,  so  that  we  had  no 
difficulty  in  identifying  them.  They  were  confined  for  the  most  part  in  groups, 
the  majority  of  them  being  locked  up  in  steel  cages  built  in  the  yards  of  the 
prison,  entirely  outside  of  the  buildings  proper.  These  cages  are  exact 
duplicates  of  those  used  for  wild  animals  in  the  larger  zoological  gardens, 
such  as  Lincoln  Park  and  the  Bronx  in  the  United  States. 

Statements  had  been  made  that  unspeakable  outrages  were  being  committed 
against  the  persons  of  these  men  and  the  most  barbarous  cruelties  inflicted 
upon  them.  That  they  had  been  starved,  beaten,  confined  in  dark  and  noisome 
underground  cells,  otherwise  maltreated,  and  kept  for  days  with  their  hands 
handcuffed  behind  their  backs. 

We  attempted  to  secure  statements  from  the  officers,  either  confirming  or 
denying  the  charges.  We  were  permitted  to  talk  to  no  one  inside  the  prison 
except  the  governor.  He  stated  that  no  such  barbarities  had  been  committed 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


825 


since  he  had  taken  charge  of  the  prison  a  week  or  two  before.  He  refused  to 
speak  for  any  time  prior  to  that  He-  at  first  denied  that  there  were  under¬ 
ground  cells  in  the  prison.  We  had  been  furnished,  however,  with  a  plan 
showing  tlicir  location,  and  upon  our  insistance  we  were  allowed  entrance. 
We  found  a  great  number  of  cells  underground  too  narrow  for  human  occupa¬ 
tion,  without  beds  or  covering  for  the  prisoners,  no  ventilation,  pitch  dark,  and 
extremely  cold,  although  the  weather  at  the  time  was  not  severe.  The  chief 
warden  admitted  that  these  cells  were  at  times  occupied  by  prisoners. 

Our  information,  well  authenticated,  Is  to  the  effect  that  a  large  number 
of  political  prisoners  were  taken  out  of  the  underground  cells  after  we  had 
demanded  admission  the  night  previous. 

We  found  one  of  the  political  prisoners  still  in  solitary  confinement.  He 
presented  a  pitiable  spectacle.  The  miserable  cell  was  cold  and  badly  ven¬ 
tilated.  He  was  in  an  unkempt  condition,  highly  nervous,  palpably  under¬ 
nourished,  and  had  a  wild  glare  in  his  eyes,  Indicating  an  extremely  dangerous 
mental  state.  He  tried  to  speak  to  us,  but  was  quickly  silenced  by  the  warder. 

The  political  prisoners  in  this  jail,  without  exception,  are  men  of  the  highest 
standing — journalists,  lawyers,  business  men,  skilled  tradesmen,  and  laborers. 
Many  of  them,  confined  for  months,  have  not  been  informed  of  the  charge 
against  them.  All  of  them  are  denied  the  right  of  trial  by  jury.  When  charges 
are  made — often  of  the  most  trivial  character — bail  is  denied.  They  were  all 
emaciated  and  appeared  to  be  suffering  from  malnutrition.  Of  the  thousands 
of  German  prisoners  we  have  seen  in  France  none  of  them  showed  such  wretched 
physical  condition  or  had  countenances  so  marked  with  pain  as  the  prisoners 
in  Mount  joy. 

As  we  were  leaving  the  prison  we  were  attracted  by  shouts  in  the  rear  of 
the  main  hall  of  the  prison.  Looking  around  we  saw  Fierce  Beasley,  one  of 
the  political  prisoners,  an  Irish  journalist  of  the  highest  standing,  and  one 
of  the  most  beloved  men  in  Ireland,  being  hustled  through  the  back  door- way 
by  a  burly  prison  guard. 

Beasley  cried  out,  “  I  want  to  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  this  brute 
who  has  me  in  charge  is  about  to  punish  me  for  saying,  ‘Long  live  the  repub¬ 
lic.’  ”  We  immediately  protested  against  the  assault  on  Mr.  Beasley.  The 
governor  of  the  prison  hastened  back  to  where  the  men  were,  and,  after  a 
hurried  whispered  conversation  with  the  guard,  returned  and  said  that  we 
could  be  assured  that  no  punishment  would  be  inflicted  upon  Mr.  Beasley. 

Upon  our  return  from  the  prison  we  were  furnished  with  detailed  state¬ 
ments  of  others  who  had  been  confined  in  the  prison,  exposing  the  vilest 
atrocities  committed  against  prisoners. 

Having  received  information  that  there  were  a  large  number  of  prisoners 
confined  in  a  smaller  prison  in  the  town  of  Westport,  County  Mayo,  which 
place  was  invested  by  troops,  we  announced  our  intention  after  leaving  Mount- 
joy  jail,  of  visiting  Westport.  Shortly  before  the  departure  of  our  train  upon 
the  following  evening  two  policemen  appeared  at  our  apartments,  and  handed 
us  an  unsigned  typewritten  letter,  notifying  us  that  we  would  not  be  per¬ 
mitted  to  enter  the  town  of  Westport,  the  only  reason  given  being  that  it  was 
“  within  a  military  area.”  We  proceeded,  nevertheless,  to  Westport. 

As  we  approached  the  town  a  company  of  soldiers  met  us  about  three  miles 
out,  and  the  lieutenant  announced,  in  a  surly  tone,  that  under  no  circum¬ 
stances  would  we  be  permitted  to  enter.  We  demanded  to  see  the  colonel, 
to  whom  we  showed  our  passports,  repeated  the  message  of  Mr.  Lloyd-George 
delivered  through  Sir  William  Wiseman,  to  the  effect  that  he  wanted  us  to 
visit  all  of  Ireland,  explained  that  we  were  conducting  an  investigation  under 
the  authority  of  the  Prime  Minister.  We  advised  him  that  we  understood  that 
revolting  conditions  existed  in  Westport.  The  colonel,  however,  declared  that 
he  would  take  the  full  responsibility  of  not  complying  with  the  request  of  even 
so  high  a  personage  as  the  Prime  Minister  of  England,  though  he  stated  that 
he  was  acting  on  orders  from  the  Government  officials  in  Dublin. 

Many  of  the  persons  we  met  in  the  vicinity  corroborated  the  stories  of  brutal 
treatment  to  which  prisoners  in  the  Westport  jail  were  being  subjected,  the 
details  being  horrible  beyond  belief. 

During  our  visit  to  Ireland  we  witnessed  numerous  assaults  in  public  streets 
and  highways  with  bayonets  and  clubbed  rifles  upon  men  and  women  known  to 
be  republicans,  or  suspected  of  being  in  favor  of  a  republican  form  of  govern¬ 
ment.  Many  of  the  outraged  persons  were  men  and  women  of  exemplary  char¬ 
acter  and  occupying  high  positions  in  the  business  and  professional  life  of  the 
country. 


826 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY* 


We  took  statements  covering  hundreds  of  cases  of  outrage  and  violence  com¬ 
mitted  by  the  officers  and  representatives  of  the  English  Government  in  Ire¬ 
land,  the  details  of  which  we  set  forth  herein. 

The  excesses  and  atrocities  detailed  are  either  being  actually  committed  at  the 
present  time  or  have  been  committed  within  the  recent  past,  as  a  part  of  a 
scheme  and  plan  to  crush  out  and  repress  the  effort  of  the  Irish  people  to  estab¬ 
lish  a  republican  form  of  government  in  Ireland. 

Upon  the  basis  of  what  we  witnessed  ourselves,  as  well  as  statements 
of  men  and  women  of  unimpeachable  integrity,  we  make  the  following  spe¬ 
cific  charges : 

(1)  Within  the  past  few  months  at  least  10  citizens  have  been  killed  by 
soldiers  and  constables  under  circumstances  which  in  a  majority  of  the  cases 
coroners’  juries  found  to  be  willful  murder  under  the  laws  of  England ;  the 
last  man  having  been  murdered  in  this  way  less  than  one  month  ago. 

In  all  of  these  cases  the  perpetrators  of  the  crimes  have  gone  unpunished. 

(2)  Hundreds  of  men  and  women  have  been  confined  for  months  in  the 
vilest  prisons  without  any  charges  being  preferred  against  them. 

(3)  At  least  five  men  have  died  as  the  result  of  atrocities  perpetrated 
upon  them  while  in  prison,  the  post-mortem  examination  in  some  of  the  cases 
disclosing  marks  of  violence  upon  the  bodies  of  the  victims. 

(4)  Prisoners  are  confined  in  narrow  cells  with  hands  handcuffed  behind 
them  day  and  night.  In  this  condition  they  are  fed  by  jail  attendants. 
They  are  permitted  no  opportunity  of  answering  calls  of  nature,  and  are  com¬ 
pelled  to  lie  in  their  clothing,  befouled  by  human  excrement,  for  days  at  a 
time. 

(5)  Persons  are  confined  in  cells  which  are  not  large  enough  for  one  man. 
They  are  not  provided  with  beds  or  bunks  of  any  kind,  but  are  compelled 
to  sleep  upon  the  bare  floors.  There  are  no  toilet  facilities  or  receptacles  to 
contain  the  human  offal,  which  necessarily  accumulates  upon  the  floors 
where  men  are  compelled  to  sleep  in  the  filth  night  after  night. 

(6)  The  food  is  insufficient  and  unwholesome.  Prisoners,  men  and  women, 
are  compelled  to  live  for  days  upon  water  and  poorly  baked  sour  and  stale 
bread. 

(7)  Hundreds  of  men  and  women  have  been  discharged  from  jail  with 
impaired  constitutions,  and  are  in  many  cases  incurable  invalids  as  a  result 
of  their  treatment. 

(8)  During  the  past  winter  and  spring  streams  of  ice-cold  water  were 
poured  upon  men  confined  in  jail,  and  they  were  compelled  to  lie  all  night  on 
cold  floors  in  unheated  cells  in  their  wet  clothing.  Many  of  them  were  after¬ 
wards  removed  to  outside  hospitals  suffering  with  pneumonia. 

(9)  Police  and  soldiers  are  habitually  permitted  to  enter  the  cells  where 
political  prisoners  are  confined  and  to  beat  them  with  their  clubs. 

(10)  Solitary  confinement  in  most  horrible  form  is  generally  practiced. 
Numbers  of  prisoners  have  been  taken  directly  from  the  jails  to  insane 
asylums,  rendered  maniacs  by  their  treatment. 

(11)  Large  bodies  of  political  prisoners,  in  certain  jails,  have  beep  kept 
without  any  food  whatever  for  days  at  a  time. 

(12)  The  right  of  privacy  no  longer  exists  in  Ireland.  The  homes  of  the 
people  are  constantly  being  invaded  by  armed  men,  and  the  occupants,  in¬ 
cluding  delicate  women  and  young  children,  cruelly  beaten  and  otherwise  mal¬ 
treated. 

(13)  The  children  of  suspected  republicans,  many  of  tender  years,  are  kid¬ 
napped  and  their  parents  kept  in  ignorance  of  their  whereabouts  for  weeks. 

(14)  Women  and  children  of  refinement  and  respectability  are  arrested 
without  warrant,  and  in  company  of  rough  and  brutal  soldiers  transported  to 
distant  parts  of  Ireland  and  England,  where  they  are  confined  in  jail  with  the 
lowest  prostitutes,  some  of  whom  are  suffering  from  vile  diseases,  and  are 
compelled  to  use  the  same  toilet  facilities  and  thus  expose  themselves  to  the 
danger  of  infection. 

(15)  The  right  of  private  property  no  longer  exists  in  Ireland.  Places  of 
business  of  republicans  are  invaded  by  soldiers  and  constables,  fixtures  de¬ 
stroyed  and  property  confiscated  without  compensation.  In  many  cases  the 
owners  of  such  businesses  and  property  are  utterly  impoverished. 

(16)  Heads  of  hundreds  of  families  have  been  jailed  or  deported,  leaving 
dependent  women  and  children  without  means  of  subsistence,  and  rendered 
objects  of  public  charity. 

(17)  Men  and  women  on  mere  suspicion  of  having  republican  sympathies 
jura  being  taken  from  their  homes  and  arrested  upon  the  streets  and  highways 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


827 


of  Ireland ;  deported  to  England,  or  confined  In  jails  in  remote  places,  while 
their  distracted  families  are  kept  sometimes  for  many  months  in  ignorance 
of  their  whereabouts. 

Among  the  leaders  of  the  republican  movement  in  Ireland,  many  of  whom 
have  had  these  atrocities  practiced  upon  their  persons,  are  lawyers,  such  as 
Edward  Duggan,  George  Nichols,  and  John  Hanrahan,  who  rank  relatively 
with  such  men  in  the  United  States  as  Morgan  J.  O’Brien,  John  B.  Stanchfield, 
Levi  Mayer,  or  A.  Mitchell  Palmer. 

Some  of  the  men  whom  we  actually  saw  in  jail,  in  a  pitiable  condition,  were 
newspaper  men  who  rank  with  Henry  Watterson,  or  the  late  Col.  William  R. 
Nelson,  of  Kansas  City.  This  comparison  is  made  because  two  of  the  prisoners 
in  Mountjoy,  Messrs.  Pierce  Beasley  and  William  Scares,  are  the  owners  or 
principal  stockholders  of  papers  which  they  edit  themselves.  Many  others  we 
actually  saw  in  prison  are  working  newspaper  men  and  correspondents  of  high- 
class  publications,  such  as  Charles  II.  Grasty,  Frank  H.  Simmonds,  and  Her¬ 
bert  Bayard  Swope. 

Among  the  men  we  saw  in  prison  are  stock  raisers  and  farmers,  business 
men  of  large  affairs,  and  literary  men  of  brilliant  parts  and  of  the  highest 
character. 

We  witnessed  while  in  Ireland  a  brutal  and  unprovoked  assault  by  an  Eng¬ 
lish  colonel  and  a  crowd  of  soldiers  upon  the  person  of  Prof.  John  Mac  Neill. 
Prof.  Mac  Neill  is  a  member  of  the  faculty  of  the  National  University,  is  an 
educator  and  publicist  of  the  highest  type,  a  member  of  Parliament,  and  occu¬ 
pies  relatively  the  same  position  in  Ireland  that  William  Howard  Taft  or 
Nicholas  Murray  Butler  does  in  the  United  States. 

EDUCATION. 

If  England  ever  had  an  educational  system  in  Ireland  it  has  completely 
broken  down. 

The  Irish  people  are  taxed  more  for  the  support  of  the  police  and  con¬ 
stabulary,  although  the  country  is  practically  crimeless  in  the  ordinary  sense, 
than  they  are  for  the  maintenance  of  the  whole  educational  system  of  Ireland, 
including  the  upkeep  of  the  National  University,  Trinity  College,  as  well  as  all 
the  primary  and  other  schools  in  the  land. 

School  teachers  in  the  primary  schools  are  paid  as  low  as  $4  per  week. 

No  system  of  hygiene  or  sanitation  has  been  installed.  The  teeth  of  practi¬ 
cally  all  the  children  are  in  decay,  and  respiratory  and  throat  troubles  exist  to 
an  alarming  degree. 

Lack  of  decent  clothing  and  undernourishment  is  keeping  thousands  of 
children  out  of  school. 


ANTISOCIAL  CONDITIONS. 

In  the  city  of  Dublin  alone  there  are  20,000  families,  on  an  average  of  five  to 
each  family,  living  in  one-room  tenements.  Infant  mortality  is  appalling. 
Destitution  and  hunger  are  rife. 

Municipal  bodies  and  private  persons  attempted  to  extend  relief,  but  such 
activities  must  have  the  sanction  of  the  English  Government,  which  is  difficult, 
if  not  impossible,  to  obtain. 

LAND  LAWS. 

The  much  vaunted  land  laws  have  not  appreciably  aided  in  decreasing 
poverty  in  the  agricultural  districts. 

Leaving  out  of  the  question  the  manifold  defects  and  hardships  in  the 
operations  of  the  law,  all  the  farmer  might  gain  by  his  ownership  of  the  land 
is  taken  away  from  him  by  unjust  taxes  and  monopolistic  control  of  the  neces¬ 
saries  of  life.  _  .  .  T 

When  the  first  land  law  was  passed  in  1881  the  direct  per  capita  tax  in  Ire¬ 
land  was  about  $6  per  head.  At  the  present  time  the  direct  taxation,  imposed 
by  British  law,  amounts  annually  to  the  enormous  sum  of  $45  per  head. 

‘  Indirect  taxation  of  the  people  can  not  be  accurately  estimated,  but  is 
higher  proportionately  than  in  any  other  country  in  the  world. 

The  age-old  curse  of  absentee  landlordism  still  cuts  deeply  into  the  economic 
heart  of  Ireland.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  its  most  fertile  acres  are  owned  by 
foreigners.  As  quickly  as  the  rich  crops  are  garnered  they  are  taken  out  of 


823 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


the  country,  and  this  immense  food  supply  and  almost  infinite  source  of  wealth 
is  lost  to  her  people  forever. 

England  has  cut  off  Ireland  from  the  outside  commerce  of  the  world,  allows 
no  ship  to  come  trans- Atlantic  to  her  ports,  and  thus  controls  the  prices  of  the 
necessaries  of  life  for  her  inhabitants. 

This  combined  system  of  taxation  and  monopoly  automatically  takes  away 
the  legitimate  profit  from  the  farmer,  no  matter  how  fertile  the  land,  propitious 
the  season,  or  energetic  the  individual,  and  sucks  the  life  blood  out  of  all 
industry. 

LABOR. 

Ireland  has  the  best  organized  and  most  coherent  labor  movement  in  the 
world.  It  is  being  thwarted  and  suppressed  by  the  army  and  constabulary. 
Wages  of  unskilled  workers  are  below  a  line  which  means  to  them,  hunger,  cold, 
and  privation.  The  wage  of  skilled  labor  is  far  below  the  minimum  for  decent 

existence. 

In  many  of  the  larger  cities  and  towns  the  trade-unions  have  a  100  per  cent 
organization.  We  met  and  interviewed  almost  all  of  the  national  leaders  of 
labor.  The  heads  of  the  National  Irish  Labor  Party,  which  is  in  control  of  the 
situation,  are,  without  exception,  ardent  republicans,  fully  alive  to  their  rights 
and  insisting  on  self-determination  for  Ireland.  They  have  all  been  the  innocent 
victims  of  atrocities  against  their  own  persons  such  as  are  enumerated  herein, 
in  the  jails  of  Ireland  and  England. 

They  work  along  traditional  trade-union  lines.  If  their  country  is  not  freed 
of  foreign  control  and  exploitation,  and  quickly,  many  of  them  declare  that  in 
sheer  defense  of  their  own  lives,  they  will  be  compelled  to  set  up  local  Soviet 
governments,  and  refuse  longer  to  produce  wealth  for  their  oppressors. 


THE  DEVOLUTION. 


Ireland  for  the  first  time  in  more  than  100  years  is  absolutely  cut  off  from 
England,  its  regularly  elected  members  of  Parliament  having  with  few  excep¬ 
tions  refused  to  go  to  Westminster.  They  are  attempting,  under  the  guns  of 
the  English  soldiers,  to  hold  orderly  sessions  in  tlie  Mansion  House  in  Dublin. 

There  is  a  military  oiganizatiou  of  approximately  200,000  republican  volun¬ 
teers  of  fighting  age,  poorly  equipped  as  to  arms,  and  without  artillery.  They 
appear  to  be  well  officered,  and  seemingly  maintain  a  perfect  organization,  en¬ 
gaging  in  daily  drills  and  frequent  maneuvers.  Upon  all  sides  may  be  heard 
declarations  that  they  are  ready  to  light  and  die  fc-r  the  right  of  seLf-detenoina- 
tion,  no  matter  how  great  the  odds  against  them  may  be. 

Guerilla  warfare  of  the  character  which  usually  precedes  major  conflicts  is 
now  going  on  in  Ireland.  Aimost  every  day  there  are  fights  between  small  de¬ 
tachments  of  the  army  of  occupation  and  groups  of  republican  volunteers. 
One  day  the  British  soldiers  prevail,  with  the  result  that  citizens  are  killed. 
In  another  day  or  two  perhaps  the  republican  volunteers  are  successful,  with 
the  result  that  soldiers  are  killed.  Frequently  the  British  soldiery  wound*  and 
capture  the  volunteers,  and  in  turn  the  volunteers  kill  or  wound  the  soldiers 
and  retake  the  prisoners. 

With  a  ferocity  unparalleled  even  in  the  history  of  modern  warfare,  within 
the  past  few  days  men  and  women  have  been  shot  down  in  the  streets  of  Dublin. 

The  killing  by  the  British  Government  of  these  republican  volunteers  would 
not  settle  the  Irish  problem.  Those  below  the  fighting  age,  and  even  the  chil- 
dren  of  Ireland,  are  singing  The  Soldier’s  Song,  shouting  44  Long  live  the  re¬ 
public,”  and  trying  to  enlist  in  the  revolutionary  movement. 


ENGLISH  TESTIMONY. 

Mr.  Erskine  Childers,  an  English  writer  of  high  repute,  who  served  Great 
Britain  throughout  the  war  in  the  Royal  Naval  Flying  Corps,  coming  out  a 
major,  made  the  following  declaration  in  regard  to  the  Irish  situation  in  the 
London  Daily  Herald  of  May  20,  1819: 

“  I  could  bomb  a  crowd  from  an  aeroplane  with  a  better  conscience  (and 
more  skill)  than  engage  in  this  cold  blooded  systematic  condemnation  of 
respectable  people  to  the  rigors  and  ignominies  of  jail  life — to  loss  of  health, 
loss  of  business  and  career,  too  often  to  loss  of  life;  not  for  breaking  the  moral 
law,  but  in  very  truth  or  obeying  that  universal  law  which  impels  men  worthy 
©f  the  name  of  men  to  become  free.” 


TREATY  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


829 


Lord  Cavendish  Bentinck,  a  Unionist  member  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
within  the  last  month  declared  upon  the  floor  of  that  body,  that  England  was 
cot  governing  Ireland,  but  was  engaged  in  a  mere  scuffle  with  the  Irish  people. 

The  lord  chancellor  of  England,  in  an  official  report  to  the  House  of  Lords 
within  the  last  fortnight,  made  the  confession  that  the  vast  majority  of  tha 
people  of  Ireland  were  now  in  open  rebellion  against  the  rule  of  the  British 
Government. 

Bight  Hon.  Herbert  H.  Asquith,  former  prime  minister  of  Great  Britain, 
made  the  following  statement  upon  June  2,  1019,  which  appeared  in  to-day’s 
London  Daily  Mail : 

“  Lord  French  is  at  present  viceroy  of  Ireland,  which  to-day  is  the  darkest  of 
the  dark  spots  on  the  map,  not  of  Great  Britain,  but  of  the  world.” 

DEMAND  FOR  INVESTIGATION. 

All  of  the  charges  herein  made  are  based  upon  the  actual  observation  of  tha 
signers  while  in  Ireland,  or  upon  the  statements  of  men  and  women  of  unim¬ 
peachable  character,  who  are  prepared  to  make  direct  legal  proof  of  every 
crime  and  atrocity  set  forth. 

The  Govenment  of  Great  Britain,  up  to  this  time,  has  measurably  succeeded 
in  hiding  the  details  of  these  atrocities  from  the  peace  conference  and  the  people 
of  the  world.  From  time  to  time,  when  crimes  and  atrocities  are  forced  into 
publicity,  they  are  met  in  three  ways. 

(1)  Some  distinguished  English  statesman  or  high  official,  usually  one  with¬ 
out  personal  knowledge  of  the  facts,  solemnly  denies  the  truth  of  the  charges. 

(t>)  The  British  press  impressively  and  unanimously  denounces  the  charges 
as  false,  and  carries  many  communications  from  persons  claiming  to  have 
knowledge  of  the  facts,  and  bearing  testimony  to  their  falsity. 

(c)  Government  investigations  before  partisan  judges,  where  testimony  is 
controlled  by  implicated  officials,  resort  often  being  had  to  intimidation  of  wit¬ 
nesses  and  subornation  of  perjury. 

In  order  that  the  peace  conference  may  act  in  the  light  of  knowledge  of  the 
conditions,  and  be  fully  advised  as  to  the  effort  of  England  to  keep  the  people 
of  Ireland  in  subjection  by  military  power  and  violence,  in  contravention  of 
the  principles  for  which  the  peace  conference  was  convoked,  we  respectfully 
urge  the  appointment  of  a  commission  to  ascertain  the  facts  and  report  the  same 
to  the  peace  conference,  and  respectfully  submit  the  following  alternative  sug¬ 
gestions  as  to  its  formation  and  appointment: 

(a)  That  an  impartial  committee  be  appointed  by  the  peace  conference, 
authorized  to  sit  in  the  cities  of  Dublin  and  London,  to  take  testimony  as  to  the 
alleged  facts  herein  set  forth. 

None  of  the  members  of  such  committee  to  be  residents  or  citizens  of  Great 
Britain,  Ireland,  or  any  of  the  countries  under  the  domination  of  Great 
Britain,  or  over  which  that  country  claims  to  exercise  a  protectorate  or  control. 

(b)  That  a  committee  of  seven  be  selected  immediately  in  the  manner  fol¬ 
lowing. 

The  prime  minister  of  England  shall  select  three  members;  the  elected 
representatives  of  Ireland,  including  Unionists,  Nationalists,  and  Republicans, 
shall,  by  a  majority  vote,  select  three  members  of  said  committee ;  that  the 
six  members  thus  selected  shall  agree  upon  a  chairman,  who  shall  be  a  resident 
and  citizen  of  the  United  States,  France,  or  Italy.  In  case  of  inability  or 
failure  to  agree  upon  a  chairman,  the  selection  shall  be  made  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  That  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  and  the 
elected  members  of  Parliament  from  Ireland,  as  aforesaid,  shall  each  have  the 
right  to  select  its  own  counsel,  to  conduct  the  examination  of  witnesses  and 
assist  in  the  investigation,  the  only  restriction  being  that  counsel  so  selected 
shall  be  reputable  members  of  the  legal  profession  in  good  standing  in  the 
country  of  which  he  or  they  are  citizens. 

We  sincerely  urge  that  if  the  peace  conference  refuses  a  hearing  to  the 
people  of  Ireland,  in  these  circumstances,  the  guilt  for  the  commission  of  these 
monstrous  crimes  and  atrocities,  as  well  as  for  the  bloody  revolution  which 
may  shortly  come,  must,  from  this  time  forward,  be  shared  with  Great  Britain 
by  the  members  of  the  peace  conference,  if  not  by  the  peoples  whom  they 
represent. 

Respectfully  submitted. 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  C 'hair man,  1 

E.  F,  Dunne. 

Paris,  June  S,  1919 . 


830 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris ,  June  6,  1919. 

Dear  Mr.  President:  We  have  the  honor  to  hand  you  herewith  report  on 
conditions  in  Ireland  with  demand  for  investigation  by  the  peace  conference. 

On  account  of  the  serious  and  critical  situation  exposed  by  the  report,  we 
beg  that  you  will  be  good  enough  to  give  this  document  your  careful  consider¬ 
ation,  and  also  to  present  the  same  to  the  full  peace  conference  or  to  tlie  com¬ 
mittee  of  the  five  great  powers,  whichever  may  be  the  proper  course  under 
the  practice  of  the  conference. 

With  assurances  of  our  great  respect  and  esteem,  we  are, 

Sincerely, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman, 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

The  President  of  the  United  States, 

Paris. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  6,  1919. 

Sir  :  We  have  the  honor  to  hand  you  three  copies  of  document  entitled  “  Re¬ 
port  on  conditions  in  Ireland,  with  demand  for  investigation  by  the  peace 
conference,”  which  we  have  this  day  transmitted  to  the  President,  with  copy 
to  Hon.  David  Lloyd-George,  prime  minister  of  England. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  is  now  considering 
the  subject  of  a  new  treaty  or  treaties  with  the  Government  of  Great  Britain, 
and  on  account  of  the  further  fact  that  the  House  of  Representatives  has  here¬ 
tofore  passed  a  resolution  in  favor  of  Ireland’s  right  of  self-determination, 
which  has  not  been  acted  upon  by  the  peace  conference,  unless  in  secret 
session,  of  which  wTe  have  had  no  advices,  we  respectfully  request  that  you 
kindly  transmit  one  copy  of  this  document  to  the  Senate  and  one  to  the  House 
of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  in  conformity  with  the  customs  and 
practices  of  the  State  Department. 

With  assurances  of  our  great  respect  and  consideration,  we  are, 
Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman, 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

Hon.  Robert  Lansing, 

Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  Paris. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  6,  1919. 

Sir:  Complying  with  your  request  of  May  1,  1919,  made  through  Sir  William 
Wiseman,  and  assented  to  by  Messrs.  Sean  T.  O’Ceallaigh  and  George  Gavan 
Duffy,  the  representatives  at  Paris  of  the  Irish  republican  government,  that  we 
visit  every  part  of  Ireland,  and  especially  Belfast,  to  ascertain  the  actual  con¬ 
ditions  existing  in  that  country. 

We  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  we  have,  except  where  prevented  by 
the  use  of  the  military  forces  of  the  English  army  of  occupation,  visited  the 
four  provinces  of  Ireland,  including  Belfast,  as  well  as  the  other  principal  cities 
and  towns. 

We  have  prepared  a  report  covering  the  facts,  with  certain  recommendations. 

In  order  that  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  may  be  informed,  we  herewith 
hand  you  copy  of  this  report,  which,  in  addition  to  the  presentation  of  facts, 
contains  a  demand  for  an  investigation  under  the  authority  of  the  peace  con¬ 
ference. 

We  also  wish  to  advise  your  Government  that  the  original  of  this  document 
has  this  day  been  handed  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  that  copies 
have  been  transmitted  to  the  House  of  Representatives  and  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  through  the  Secretary  of  State. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

Hon.  David  Lloyd-George,  Prime  Minister  of  England,  Paris. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


831 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris ,  June  8,  1919. 

Your  Majesty  :  We  herewith  transmit  to  you  our  “  Report  on  conditions  in 
Ireland  with  demand  for  investigation  by  the  peace  conference,”  together  with 
copies  of  letters  addresser  to  your  prime  minister,  Mr.  David  Lloyd-George. 

The  original  of  this  report  has  been  delivered  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States  for  presentation  to  the  peace  conference,  and  copies  have  been  forwarded 
to  Hon.  Robert  Lansing,  American  Secretary  of  State,  for  transmission  to  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

His  Majesty  George  Y,  King  of  Great  Britain ,  London,  England. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  8,  1919. 

Sir:  Upon  the  22d  ultimo,  during  the  proceedings  in  the  House  of  Lords  on 
that  date,  as  published  in  the  London  Times,  you  made  a  statement,  in  reply  to 
a  question  of  Viscount  Midleton,  as  to  the  intentions  of  the  prime  minister  with 
reference  to  giving  publicity  to  the  result  of  the  findings  of  our  investigation 
of  conditions  in  Ireland. 

We  beg,  therefore,  to  submit  to  you  herewith,  for  presentation  to  the  House 
of  Lords,  this  report,  together  with  copies  of  letter  addressed  to  Hon.  David 
Lloyd-George,  prime  minister. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman.  ' 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

Right.  Hon.  Lord  Birkenhead, 

Lord  Chancellor  of  England,  House  of  Lords, 

London,  England. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  8,  1919. 

Sir  :  Upon  the  14th  ultimo,  during  the  proceedings  in  the  House  of  Commons 
on  that  date,  as  published  in  the  London  Times,  you  made  an  official  statement 
as  to  the  intentions  of  the  prime  minister  with  reference  to  giving  publicity  to 
the  result  of  the  findings  of  our  investigation  of  conditions  in  Ireland. 

We  beg,  therefore,  to  submit  to  you  herewith,  for  transmission  to  the  cabinet, 
this  report,  together  with  copies  of  letters  addressed  to  His  Majesty  King 
George  V  and  Hon.  David  Lloyd-George,  prime  minister. 

Respectfully, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

Mr.  Bonar  Law, 

Leader  of  the  House  of  Commons, 

London,  England. 


American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  June  8,  1919. 

Sir:  We  have  the  honor  to  hand  you  herewith  “Report  on  conditions  in 
Ireland  with  demand  for  investigation  by  the  peace  conference,”  together  with 
copies  of  letters  addressed  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the  American 
Secreary  of  State,  and  the  Hon.  David  Lloyd-George,  British  prime  minister, 
upon  the  same  subject. 

As  you  are  doubtless  aware,  charges  have  been  made  that  matters  deeply 
affecting  the  peace  of  the  world,  such  as  the  condition  of  Ireland,  are  habitually 
suppressed  by  English  newspapers.  In  order  that  your  paper  may  be  thor- 


832 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


oughly  advised  and  that  there  should  be  no  misunderstanding  upon  the  subject 
later,  we  take  this  opportunity  to  submit  the  inclosed  documents. 

Respectfully,  yours, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman. 

E.  F.  Dunne. 

Editor  London  Times, 

London,  England . 

[This  report  was  given  publicity  in  Paris  on  the  morning  of  .Tune  S,  1919. 
Inasmuch  as  the  report  had  the  appearance  of  having  been  suppressed  by  all  of 
the  London  papers  except  the  Daily  News  and  Herald,  special  copies  were  for¬ 
warded  to  the  editors  in  London,  accompanied  by  identical  letters  as  above.] 


Reply  to  the  Statement  or  the  IIon.  Ian  MacPherson,  Chief  Secretary  fob 

Ireland,  by  Frank  P.  Walsh,  Chairman  of  the  American  Commission  on 

Irish  Independence. 

At  the  request  of  the  Hon.  David  Lloyd-George,  prime  minister  of  England, 
transmitted  by  Sir  William  Wiseman,  secretary  of  the  British  embassy  at  Paris, 
and  assented  to  by  Messrs.  Sean  T.  O’Oalleagh  and  George  Cavan  Duffy,  envoys 
of  the  Irish  republic  at  the  peace  conference,  the  American  Commission  on  Irish 
Independence,  represented  by  Hon.  Edward  F.  Dunne,  former  governor  of  Illi¬ 
nois.  Michael  J.  Ryan,  of  Philadelphia,  and  myself  visited  the  four  Provinces  of 
Ireland,  including  Dublin,  Cork,  Belfast,  and  other  large  cities,  for  the  purpose 
of  ascertaining  existing  conditions. 

Upon  June  3,  1919,  the  American  Commission  transmitted  its  report  to  the 
peace  conference,  at  the  same  moment  handing  copes  to  President  Wilson,  His 
Majesty  King  George  V,  the  prime  minister  of  England,  and  likewise  forwarding 
copies  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

The  report  contained  a  list  of  hideous  atrocities  being  practiced  upon  the 
people  of  Ireland  by  the  English  army  of  occupation  in  Ireland.  The  report 
was  suppressed  by  the  English  censor  in  Ireland,  and  the  English,  press  Initially 
printed  incomplete  and  garbled  accounts  thereof. 

After  a  silence  of  more  than  two  weeks  and  upon  the  insistent  demand  of 
the  English  press,  notably  the  London  Times,  Mr.  Ian  MacPherson,  English 
Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland,  issued  a  categorical  statement  confessing  many  of 
the  charges  denying  others  and  making  explanations  in  the  nature  of  avoidance 
covering  many  of  them.  The  answer  of  Mr.  MacPherson  was  editorially  de¬ 
nounced  by  the  London  Times  as  ha-lting  and  evasive;  by  the  London  News, 
Manchester  Guarian,  and  London  Herald  as  containing  damaging  and  shameful 
admissions  of  misgovernment  and  violation  of  human  rights  in  Ireland. 

Upon  the  27 tli  of  July  there  was  released  to  the  American  papers  and  all  of 
the  news  agencies  an  additional  answer  by  Mr.  MacPherson  to  the  atrocity 
charges  reported  by  the  American  Commission,  making  sweeping  denial  of 
the  same. 

An  issue  of  fact  is  thus  clearly  raised.  If  the  original  charges  are  true, 
England  should  be  execrated  by  the  liberty-loving  people  of  the  world,  and 
Mr.  MacPherson  must  go  down  in  history  as  not  only  the  prime  mover  and 
defender  of  the  unspeakable  crimes  and  cruelties  set  forth  in  the  report,  but  as 
a  dishonest  and  untruthful  person.  If  the  charges  are  untrue,  then  the  signers 
of  the  report  should  be  exposed  as  malicious  falsifiers. 

The  original  reports  of  the  American  Commission  contained  the  following; 

In  order  that  the  peace  conference  may  act  in  the  light  of  knowledge  of  the 
conditions  and  be  fully  advised  as  to  the  effect  of  England  to  keep  the  people 
of  Ireland  in  subjection  by  military  power  and  violence  in  contravention  of  the 
principles  for  which  the  peace  conference  was  convoked,  we  respectfully  urge 
the  appointment  of  a  commission  to  ascertain  the  facts  and  report  the  same  to 
tlie  peace  conference,  and  respectfully  submit  the  following  alternative  sug¬ 
gestions  as  to  its  formation  and  appointment: 

(a)  That  an  impartial  committee  be  appointed  by  the  pence  conference,  au¬ 
thorized  to  sit  in  the  cities  of  Dublin  and  London,  to  take  testimony  as  to  the 
alleged  facts  herein  set  forth. 

None  of  the  members  of  such  committee  to  be  residents  or  citizens  of  Great 
Britain.  Ireland,  or  any  of  the  countries  under  the  domination  of  Great  Britain, 
or  over  which  that  country  claims  to  exercise  a  protectorate  or  control. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY.  833 

(b)  That  a  committee  of  seven  be  selected  Immediately  in  the  manner  fol¬ 
lowing  : 

The  Prime  Minister  of  England  shall  select  three  members;  the  elected  repre¬ 
sentatives  of  Ireland,  including  Unionists,  Nationalists,  and  Republicans,  shall, 
by  a  majority  vote,  select  three  members  of  said  committee;  that  the  six 
members  thus  selected  shall  agree  upon  a  chairman,  who  shall  be  a  resident 
and  citizen  of  the  United  States,  France,  or  Italy.  In  case  of  inability  or 
failure  to  agree  upon  a  chairman,  the  selection  shall  be.  made  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  tho  United  States.  That  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  and  the 
elected  members  of  Parliament  from  Ireland,  as  aforesaid,  shall  each  have  the 
right  to  select  its  own  counsel,  to  conduct  the  examination  of  witnesses  selected, 
shall  be  reputable  members  of  the  legal  profession  in  good  standing  in  the  coun¬ 
try  of  which  ho  or  they  are  citizens. 

The  latest  answer  by  Mr.  MacPlierson,  published  broadcast  in  America,  con¬ 
sists  mainly  of  bald  denials,  unsupported  by  any  citation  to  [sic]  the  military 
authorities  who  have  first-hand  information  as  to  the  truth  or  falsity  of  tho 
charges,  and  without  informative  detailed  proof  to  substantiate  the  same. 

Assuming  that  England  must  eventually  agree  to  an  impartial  court  of  inquiry 
substantially  along  the  lines  suggested  herein,  we  make  offer  to  prove  the  fol¬ 
lowing  : 

ASSAULT  UPON  PROP.  MACNELLL. 

In  addition  to  the  statements  of  the  investigators  who  witnessed  the  assault, 
we  will  produce  at  least  20  impartial  persons  who  saw  the  assault  and  who  will 
testify  to  its  brutal  nature  and  the  insults  which  accompanied  it 

POLITICAL  PRISONERS  IN  ANIMAL  CAGES. 

To  prove  that  the  prisoners  in  Mountjoy  Prison  were  exhibited  in  cages 
ordinarily  used  for  wild  animals,  we  will  produce  photographs  of  the  cages 
unless  they  have  been  removed,’  in  which  event  we  will  produce  at  least  50 
prisoners  who  occupied  them  and  a  countless  number  of  impartial  witnesses 
who  saw  them. 

VICTIMS  RENDERED  INSANE. 

We  will  produce  the  records  of  the  jails  and  insane  asylums,  as  well  as  the 
victims  who  have  recovered,  and  the  relatives  of  those  who  have  not,  to  prove 
our  charges  that  numbers  of  Irish  republicans  were  rendered  insane  by  their 
treatment. 

PNEUMONIA  VICTIMS. 

We  will  produce  hospital  records,  testimony  of  physicians  of  the  highest 
standing,  as  well  as  intelligent  and  impartial  witnesses  who  treated  and  saw  the 
victims  while  suffering  from  pneumonia,  caused  by  having  cold  water  thrown 
upon  them  from  a  hose  in  different  prisons,  also  names  and  death  certificates  of 
those  who  died  from  the  treatment. 

DEAD,  WOUNDED,  AND  DISABLED. 

We  wdll  produce  a  list  of  the  dead,  those  who  were  permanently  maimed  and 
disfigured  by  the  atrocities  practiced  upon  them;  also  a  list  of  those  whose 
health  has  been  shattered  and  who  have  been  rendered  incurable  invalids  by 
their  treatment,  all  accompanied  by  names  and  dates. 

VIOLENT  SUPPRESSION  OF  LABOR. 

We  will  produce  proof  that  the  leaders  of  the  national  labor  movement  have 
been  arrested  without  being  informed  of  any  charge  against  them,  confined  in 
jail  in  many  instances  for  weeks  and  months;  that  while  so  confined  they  were 
treated  with  extreme'  harshness  and  cruelty ;  that  their  activities  are  spied 
upon  by  an  army  of  detectives  and  their  meetings  infested  by  agents  provoca¬ 
tive;  that  their  orderly  meetings  have  been  dispersed  by  the  military  authorities 
and  violent  assaults  committed  upou  the  bodies  of  men  and  women  seeking  to 
carry  on  the  orderly  business  of  their  organizations;  that  permanent  machine- 


834 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


gun  emplacements  have  been  erected  and  guns  mounted  thereon  by  the  military 
engineers  of  the  Army  of  Occupation,  so  that  Liberty  Hall  in  Dublin,  the  head¬ 
quarters  of  the  Irish  National  Labor  Union,  may  be  subjected  to  destructive 
assaults  at  a  moment’s  notice. 

INDISPUTABLE  PROOF  OF  OTHER  CHARGES. 

These,  as  well  as  the  other  charges  in  the  original  and  supplemental  report 
of  the  investigators,  we  are  ready  to  substantiate  not  only  by  the  testimony 
of  the  victims,  but  by  hundreds  of  disinterested  witnesses,  including  past  and 
present  members  of  the  English  Army  and  Royal  Irish  Constabulary,  who, 
sickened  at  the  atrocious  acts  they  were  called  upon  to  perform  and  witness, 
either  resigned  their  commissions  or  now  stand  ready  to  sacrifice  their  careers 
in  the  interest  of  humanity  and  justice. 

The  issue  now  has  been  clearly  made  and  formally  submitted  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States  and  the  world  by  the  official  reports  of  the  American  Com¬ 
mission  on  Irish  Independence  and  the  formal  reply  of  Hon.  Ian  MacPherson, 
chief  secretary  for  Ireland,  representing  Great  Britain  in  the  controversy.  We 
respectfully  submit,  not  only  in  justice  to  the  character  of  the  signers  of  our 
original  report,  which  we  assert  to  have  been  unjustly  and  maliciously  as¬ 
sailed,  but  to  the  cause  of  a  righteous  and  enduring  peace,  that  unless  the 
English  Government  quickly  agrees  to  the  institution  of  an  impartial  court  of 
Inquiry  by  the  peace  conference  its  case  should  go  by  default  and  England  must 
stand  convicted  by  thinking  mankind  as  a  cruel  marauder  of  human  rights  and 
the  one  remaining  government  of  the  world  imposing  its  rule  upon  others  by 
force  of  arms  and  exploiting  weaker  peoples  by  ugly  might  alone. 

Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Chairman  American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

New  York,  August  4,  1019. 


[Copy  of  cablegram.] 

New  York,  August  8,  1019. 

Ian  MacPherson, 

Chief  Secretary  for  Ireland, 

Dublin  Castle,  Dublin,  Ireland: 

Am  forwarding  you  by  mail  to-day  reply  to  your  statement  denying  facts  set 
forth  in  report  of  American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence,  dated  June  3, 
1919,  so  that  you  may  be  advised.  Meantime  I  can  not  overlook  the  issue  of 
personal  veracity  and  honor  which  you  have  injected  into  the  controversy. 
This  is  to  inform  you  that  unless  you  immediately  join  in  request  for  appoint¬ 
ment  of  impartial  committee  of  inquiry  by  the  peace  conference  I  shall  publicly 
stigmatize  you  as  a  falsifier  and  your  answer  to  our  report  as  a  piece  of  willful 
mendacity  on  the  part  of  a  high  official  unparalleled  in  the  field  of  crooked 
politics. 

Frank  P.  Walsh, 

Chairman  American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence. 

Mr.  Walsii.  I  want  to  say,  of  course,  Mr.  Chairman  and  Senator 
Fall,  that  wTe  will  be  very  glad  to  accede  to  whatever  is  the  pleasure 
of  this  committee. 

Senator  Johnson  of  California.  We  want  nothing  secret,  Mr. 
Walsh. 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  think  it  is  a  good  idea.  Neither  do  we  want  any¬ 
thing  secret.  At  the  same  time,  there  were  certain  elements  about 
it  that  we  thought  they  would  prefer  to  have  held  confidential. 

Senator  Johnson  of  California.  They  were  our  delegates,  were 
they  not  ? 

Mr.  Walsh.  Yes;  and  we  claim,  and  I  presented  a  legal  argument 
to  Secretary  Lansing  on  the  proposition,  that  they  had  in  no  way 
divested  themselves  of  their  official  character;  that  they  were  sent 
over  there  for  this  purpose;  that  they  not  only  had  the  right  to 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


835 


attend  to  the  matter  in  hand,  but  that  they  had  the  right  to  hear 
any  representative  American  citizen  in  any  sort  of  representative 
capacity  that  had  anything  to  present.  We  will  be  glad  to  submit 
these  documents  under  whatever  rules  you  may  be  pleased  to  make. 

(Subsequently  the  committee  ordered  the  confidential  documents 
to  be  made  a  part  of  the  record,  and  they  are  here  printed,  as 
follows :) 

Interview  Between  President  Wilson  and  Messrs.  Edward  F.  Dunne  and 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  at  the  President’s  House,  11  Place  Des  Etats  Unis,  Paris, 

Wednesday,  June  11,  1919. 

Mr.  Walsh  and  Gov.  Dunne  called  upon  the  President  by  appointment  at  2.15  p.  m. 

Gov.  Dunne  started  by  saying  that  Mr.  Walsh  would  open  the  case  concerning  which 
we  called. 

Mr.  Walsh  stated  to  the  President  that  we  had  come  to  see  him  to  ask  him  if  he  would 
not  .secure  a  hearing  for  us  before  the  “Big  Four,”  or  whatever  other  committee  might 
be  delegated  to  hear  the  case  of  Ireland.  That  we  had  made  a  formal  request  of  Mr. 
Lansing  for  safe  conduct  for  Messrs,  de  Yalera,  Griffith,  and  Plunkett,  and  had  re¬ 
ceived  a  communication  from  him  to  the  effect  that  it  would  be  futile  to  make  the 
request.  The  President  interrupted  Mr.  Walsh  and  said,  “That  is  an  official  request, 
Mr.  Walsh.”  Mr.  Walsh  stated  that  he  had  not  been  able  to  disentangle  this  official 
and  unofficial  business.  He  said,  “What  I  am  talking  about  is  the  denial  of  our 
request  that  the  Americans  should  intervene  to  get  the  safe  conducts  for  these  men.” 

The  President  said,  “Well,  of  course,  since  that  time,  gentlemen,  you  know  the 
Senate  has  passed  a  resolution  upon  the  subject.”  Mr.  Walsh  said,  “Well,  the  point 
of  our  request  to-day  is  that  if  we  are  to  assume  that  these  men  are  not  going  to  be 
allowed  to  come  here,  then  we  want  to  advise  you  that  the  people  of  Ireland  are  in 
actual  physical  captivity;  that  those  who  would  speak  for  them  are  not  allowed  to 
come  here,  and  are  restrained  by  the  force  of  an  army  of  occupation  which  is  now 
occupying  the  country.” 

We  called  the  attention  of  the  President  to  the  fact  that  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war 
there  was  a  home-rule  bill  signed  by  the  King  and  which  ought  to  have  been  put  in 
operation,  but  in  violation  of  their  so-called  English  law,  it  was  not  put  into  operation. 
Later  the  time  for  its  operation  was  extended  for  a  year,  and  later  ag£tin  it  was  extended 
until  after  the  war.  Lloyd-George  then  gave  out  a  formal  call  for  a  convention.  The 
convention  was  organized  under  the  chairmanship  of  Sir  Horace  Plunkett.  It  began 
to  reach  a  stage  where  it  looked  as  though  there  was  going  to  be  an  agreement;  as  a 
matter  of  fact  when  the  Irish  get  together,  north  and  south,  they  always  almost  agree. 
"When  Lloyd-George  saw  there  was  going  to  be  an  agreement,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
convention  stating,  among  other  things,  that  the  English  Government  would  recog¬ 
nize  nothing  which  they  did  that  might  interfere  with  the  existing  system  of  taxa¬ 
tion  and  conduct  of  the  array.  This  meant  that  no  matter  what  the  convention  did, 
England  could  still  exploit  Ireland  and  keep  her  under  subjection  by  her  army  of 
occupation. 

Mr.  Walsh  further  stated  that  England  now  has  a  blockade  against  Ireland  as  effective 
as  the  Allies  had  against  the  Central  Powers;  that  it  amounts  to  an  impost  upon  every 
bite  of  food  that  the  people  of  Ireland  bring  in  from  the  outside,  and  on  everything 
that  they  ship  outside  the  island.  Mr.  Walsh  told  the  President  that  no  ships  were 
allowed  to  touch  at  any  port,  trans- Atlantic,  that  the  country  could  not  trade  with  the 
United  States  or  other  countries,  and  other  countries  could  not  trade  with  it.  That 
Ireland  was  the  most  lawabiding  country  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  with  a  great  respect 
for  law  and  order  and  the  rights  of  private  property,  but  that  unless  some  relief  was 
given  that  the  workers  there  would  have,  in  self-defense,  to  set  up  Soviet  governments 
or  do  something  else  to  relieve  the  situation. 

The  President  said,  “Of  course,  you  should  understand  that  no  small  nation  of  any 
kind  has  yet  appeared  before  the  Committee  of  Four,  and  there  is  an  agreement 
among  the  Committee  of  Four  that  none  can  come  unless  unanimous  consent  is  given 
by  the  whole  committee.” 

Gov.  Dunne  addressed  the  President,  and  said:  “Has  no  small  nation  complaining 
of  injustice  on  the  part  of  any  of  the  victor  nations  ever  appeared  as  yet?  ”  The  Presi¬ 
dent  said,  “There  is  no  nation  that  has  had  its  right  considered  by  the  peace  confer¬ 
ence  except  those  that  were  actually  cqncerned  in  the  war.  We  have  not  attempted 
to  inquire  into  ancient  wrongs.  ” 

Mr.  Walsh  then  said,  “Mr.  President,  it  is  the  present  injustice,  and  the  guerilla 
warfare  that  now  exists,  that  we  think  should  receive  consideration.  Suppose  we 
present  a  case  of  this  kind,  a  country  in  which  a  state  of  war  actually  exists.  Do  you 


135549°— 19 - 6 


836 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


mean  to  say,  Mr.  President,  that  you  would  just  close  the  matter  and  let  the  war  go 
on?”  The  President  replied,  “I  am  only  qne  of  this  conference,  why  should  this 
whole  thing  be  left  to  me?”  Mr.  Walsh  said,  “We  are  leaving  it  to  you,  Mr.  Presi¬ 
dent,  because  you  are  the  commanding  figure  in  the  peace  conference,  and  because 
it  was  you  who  raised  the  hopes  in  the  hearts  of  these  people  that  they  could  come  to 
you.  We  come  to  you  because  we  are  asking  you  to  use  your  powerful  influence 
with  the  other  members  of  the  committee  to  get  us  a  hearing.  ” 

Mr.  Walsh  further  said,  “In  my  conversations  with  the  representatives  of  the  Irish 
republic,  President  de  Valera  asked  me  to  ask  you  a  question.  I  will  read  from  your 
statements  at  the  time  we  entered  the  war.”  Mr.  Walsh  then  read  the  following: 

“Peace  should  rest  upon  the  rights  of  peoples,  not  on  the  rights  of  governments — 
the  rights  of  peoples,  great  and  small,  weak  or  powerful;  their  equal  right  to  freedom 
and  security  and  self-government,  and  to  participation,  upon  fair  terms,  in  the  eco¬ 
nomic  opportunities  of  the  world. 

******  * 

“It  is  the  principle  of  justice  to  all  peoples  and  nationalities,  and  their  right  to 
live  on  equal  terms  of  liberty  and  safety  with  one  another,  whether  they  be  strong 
or  weak.  Unless  this  principle  be  made  its  foundation,  no  part  of  the  structure  of 
international  justice  can  stand. 

******  * 

“No  man,  no  group  of  men,  chose  these  to  be  the  issues  of  the  struggle.  They  are 
the  issues  of  it,  and  they  must  be  settled  by  no  arrangement  or  compromise  or  adjust¬ 
ment  of  interests,  but  definitely  and  once  for  all,  and  with  a  full  and  unequivocal 
acceptance  of  the  principle  that  the  interest  of  the  weakest  is  as  safe  as  the  interest  of 
the  strongest.  *  *  *  The  impartial  justice  meted  out  must  involve  no  discrimina¬ 
tion  between  those  to  whom  we  wish  to  be  just  and  those  to  whom  we  do  not  wish  to 
be  just.  It  must  be  justice  that  plays  no  favorites  and  knows  no  standards  but  the 
equal  rights  of  the  several  peoples  concerned.” 

Mr.  Walsh  continued:  “Now,  then,  Mr.  President,  Mr.  De  Valera  asked  me  to  say 
to  you — inasmuch  as  you  state  these  are  the  issues;  that  there  must  be  no  arrangement 
or  compromise,  and  that  they  must  be  settled  definitely  and  once  for  all — to  ask  you 
now  where  is  the  place  to  settle  them  definitely,  once  for  all,  and  how  shall  his  people 
do  it.  Now  that  he  is  to  be  denied  the  right  to  come  here  by  England,  and  you  tell 
us  now  that  we  can  not  appear,  in  effect,  before  the  peace  conference,  he  asks  this 
question,  and  I  ask  you.  Where  will  he  go?  Where  shall  his  people  go?  If  it  is  to 
be  settled  definitely  and  once  for  all,  and  you  say  that  the  issue  is  made — and  we 
agree  with  you  that  it  is  made — now,  where  is  it  to  be  settled  definitely  and  once 
for  all?” 

The  President  said,  “Mr.  Walsh,  do  you  think  that  any  considerable  number  of 
people,  when  they  read  my  declarations,  thought  that  these  settlements  were  to  be 
made  at  some  particular  place,  automatically,  immediately?”  Mr.  Walsh  replied, 
“Mr.  President,  I  can  speak  first  for  myself.  When  I  read  it,  I  believed  you  meant 
Ireland.  I  believe  that  practically  all  the  people  in  Ireland  believed  that,  and  all 
that  I  have  met  of  our  own  people  believed  it.” 

Mr.  Walsh  continued,  “Mr.  President,  I  am  afraid  you  do  not  understand  the  Irish 
situation. ”  The  President  replied:  “If  you  think  I  do  not  understand  the  Irish 
question,  what  did  you  come  to  me  about  it  for?”  Mr.  Walsh  replied:  “I  do  not 
mean,  Mr.  President,  that  you  do  not  understand  the  general  history  of  Ireland,  but 
I  do  say  that  you  do  not  know  what  is  going  on  in  Ireland  to-day;  that  is,  its  exploita¬ 
tion  by  England,  the  shooting  down  of  its  people  in  the  streets,  the  sea  blockade 
which  England  has  in  force  against  it — in  short — all  of  the  atrocities  that  are  being 

rraeticed  upon  its  citizens  at  this  very  moment.”  The  President  said,  “Of  course, 
do  not  claim  to  know  the  local  and  specific  matters  referred  to.”  Mr.  Walsh  said, 
“I  believe  you  received  an  invitation  to  go  to  Ireland.  I  think  it  would  be  a  fine 
thing  for  yourself  and  for  the  peace  of  the  world  if  you  accepted  that  invitation.  The 
people  would  be  delighted  if  you  went  to  Ireland,  and  get  an  understanding  of  the 
situation  at  first  hand.” 

The  President  said:  “Now,  Walsh,  if  it  is  your  intention  to  go  back  to  America  and 
try  to  put  me  in  bad,  I  am  going  to  say  when  I  go  back  that  we  were  well  on  the  way 
of  getting  Mr.  De  Valera  and  his  associates  over  here;  we  were  well  on  the  way,  when 
you  made  it  so  difficult  by  your  speeches  in  Ireland  that  we  could  not  do  it;  that  it 
was  yon  gentlemen  who  lacked  over  the  apple  cart.” 

Mr.  Walsh  replied,  “Mr.  President,  have  you  read  the  statement  made  by  the  Lord 
Chancellor  in  the  House  of  Lords  and  the  statement  made  by  Mr.  Bonar  Law  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  both  officially  speaking  for  Mr.  Lloyd-George,  in  which  they 
stated  that  it  was  not  his  intention,  and  never  had  been,  to  grant  safe  conducts  to 


TREATY  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


837 


hese  men,  and  that  it  was  his  purpose,  in  having  an  interview  with  us  after  we  came 
hack  fro  n  Ireland,  to  state  the  ‘English  case’  to  the  American  press  representatives 
and  serve  England  and  not  serve  the  people  whom  we  were  representing  over  here. 
Did  you  read  that?  ” 

The  President  said,  “Now,  Walsh,  I  am  not  going  to  discuss  anything  that  was  said 
in  the  British  House  of  Commons  or  House  of  Lords,  except  to  say  this,  that  I  was 
making  an  effort,  and  Col.  House  was  making  an  effort,  and  that  we  thought  we  were 
well  on  the  way  of  getting  do  Valera  and  his  associates  over  here,  but  the  speeches 
of  you  gentlemen  gave  such  offense  that  the  whole  thing  had  to  be  abandoned.” 

Mr.  Walsh  said,  “Mr.  President,  I  have  written  a  letter  to  Mr.  Lansing,  to  which 
we  have  received  no  reply,  asking  him  what  were  the  utterances  that  offended  these 
gentlemen,  and  who  were  the  persons  who  were  offended.  Perhaps  you  may  be  able. 
Mr.  President,  to  answer  it.  Was  it  Mr.  Lloyd-George?” 

The  President  said,  “I  have  not  said  anything  about  Mr.  Lloyd-George.”  Mr. 
Walsh  said,  “Who  was  it,  then,  to  whom  we  gave  offense?’’  The  President  replied, 
“Well,  I  would  say  that  you  offended  the  whole  British  Government.”  Air.  Walsh 
then  said,  “Well,  then,  you  do  not  accept  what  Mr.  Lloyd-George  said  to  the  effect 
that  he  was  not  going  to  allow  them  over  in  any  event?”  The  President  said,  “Mr. 
Walsh,  I  am  not  going  to  discuss  Mr.  Lloyd-George.” 

Mr.  Walsh  said,  “Would  you  be  good  enough  to  see  the  gentlemen  who  were  offended, 
and  if  that  was  what  stood  in  the  way,  if  two  others  would  come  before  them  that  had 
not  given  such  offense,  would  they  answer  their  request?”  The  President  said 
“There  is  no  use  discussing  that;  I  don’t  know  what  the  British  Government  would 
say,  and  I  have  said  all  I  can  say  on  the  subject.” 

The  President  continued,  “I  want  you  gentlemen  to  understand  that  our  position 
is  this:  That  we  are  dealing  officially  with  these  Governments.  You  would  not  want 
us  to  make  representations  or  engage  in  an  effort  that  might  involve  the  sending  of 
troops  into  Europe,  and  I  know  that  our  people  would  not  want  that.  What  I  am 
saying  to  you  is  that  we  can  not,  and  under  no  circumstances  could  we  have  at  any 
time  since  we  have  been  here,  do  anything  in  this  matter  of  an  official  nature;  but  I 
want  to  say  to  you  that  I  have  the  deepest  sympathy  for  Ireland  and  her  people  and 
her  cause.  I  know  I  speak  for  the  others  when  I  say  that  all  we  could  do  unofficially  we 
have  been  doing  and  will  do.” 

Mr.  Walsh  said,  “In  order  that  there  may  be  no  misunderstanding,  may  I  ask  i? 
any  of  your  efforts  have  been  directed  toward  anything  except  securing  to  these 
people  the  right  of  self-determination,  and  the  right  to  have  a  free  government  just 
like  the  Government  of  the  United  States?”  The  President  said,  “What  I  will  say 
to  you  is  this:  That  you  know  the  lines  that  we  were  discussing.” 

Mr.  Walsh  said,  “Mr.  President,  the  Irish  people  believe  in  these  principles  that 
you  laid  down,  and  believe  that  they  come  wholly  within  the  description  of  a  people 
whose  people  have  determined  their  own  rights  with  reference  to  their  government. 
And  I  want  to  call  your  attention  to  this  fact:  That  no  mediations  or  negotiations  or 
intercourse  with  the  representatives  of  Great  Britain  can  possibly  accomplish  any¬ 
thing  at  this  time.  W7e  do  not  desire  to  have  any,  and  so  far  as  we  are  concerned  we 
do  not  desire  anyone  else  to  have  any  for  us.  The  attitude  of  the  English  Govern¬ 
ment  is  this:  By  force  of  arms,  by  an  army  of  occupation  in  Ireland,  it  is  assuming  to 
legislate  for  Ireland.  It  can  do  anything  to  Ireland  or  for  Ireland  that  its  might  gives 
it  the  power  to  do.  So  that  if  England  has  anything  that  it  thinks  is  good  for  the 
Irish  people  it  has  the  power  to  impose  it  at  once.  In  addition  to  this  the  Irish  people 
have  a  right  to  say,  ‘We  will  die  Before  we  will  live  under  any  such  law.’  So  that 
no  discussion  or  mediation  or  negotiation  that  you  or  anybody  else  would  have  with 
the  representatives  of  the  English  Government  could  do  anything  for  Ireland.  Mr. 
President,  you  mentioned  having  your  attention  called  to  a  resolution  of  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  requesting  safe  conducts  for  Messrs,  de  Valera,  Griffith,  and 
Plunkett.”  The  President  said,  “Yes;  you  saw  that.”  Mr.  Walsh  said,  “Yes;  but 
I  only  saw  the  newspaper  text  of  it;  we  wired  for  the  tex t  and  did  not  get  it.  ”  “  W7 ell,  ” 

the  President  said,  “I  saw  that;  we  have  been  advised  of  it.”  Mr.  Walsh  said,  “Mr. 
President,  what  action  do  you  propose  to  take  on  the  request  of  the  Senate?  ”  The 
President  replied,  “That  is  a  matter  that  has  not  yet  been  taken  up  by  our  full  con¬ 
ference.” 

Mr.  Walsh  said,  “Now,  then,  we  should  direct  our  efforts,  as  I  understand  it,  to  the 
other  representatives  on  the  committee  of  four  and  see  whether  or  not  we  are  going 
to  get  this  hearing,  inasmuch  as  it  is  to  be  unanimous?”  Gov.  Dunne  interjected  at 
this  point  and  said,  “That  would  include  calling  upon  Mr.  Lloyd-George?”  Mr. 
Walsh  said,  “Not  necessarily.”  To  the  President  Mr.  Walsh  said,  “If  we  are  not 
allowed  to  meet  you,  how  would  you  suggest  that  this  or  any  similar  matter  could  get 


838 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


before  your  Committee  of  Four?”  “Well,”  said  the  President,  “I  know  of  no  way 
except  to  take  it  up  with  them  individually.” 

Mr.  Walsh  said  to  the  President,  “Mr.  President,  when  you  uttered  those  words 
declaring  that  all  nations  had  a  right  to  self-determination;  that  it  was  an  issue  that 
had  to  be  settled  and  once  for  all,  and  settled  on  the  side  of  justice — those  expressions 
I  have  read  to  you — you  voiced  the  aspirations  of  countless  millions  of  people  that  had 
been  saying  them  to  each  other,  and  begging  governments  that  oppressed  them  to 
recognize  them.  When  you,  as  the  head  of  the  most  powerful  nation  in  the  world, 
uttered  them,  and  they  received  the  assent  of  the  representatives  of  all  the  nations, 
it  became  a  fact,  Mr.  President.  These  people  are  imbued  with  the  principle.  They 
may  be  killed  trying  to  vindicate  it,  but  they  can  no  longer  be  kept  in  subjection  by 
the  action  of  diplomats,  government  officials,  or  even  governments.  They  are  free 
now.”  The  President  said:  “You  have  touched  on  the  great  metaphysical  tragedy 
of  to-day.  My  words  have  raised  hope  in  the  hearts  of  millions  of  people.  It  is  my 
wish  that  they  have  that;  but  could  you  imagine  that  you  could  revolutionize  the 
world  at  once,  could  you  imagine  that  those  peoples  could  come  into  that  at  once?  ” 
Mr.  Walsh  replied,  “  I  can  imagine  them,  if  anyone  denied  it,  struggling  to  come  into  it 
at  once,  if  it  were  denied  in  the  place  where  they  expected  they  were  to  have  it  come 
and  to  have  it  settled  definitely  once  and  for  all.  ” 

The  President  said,  “  When  I  gave  utterance  to  those  words,  I  said  them  without  the 
knowledge  that  nationalities  existed,  which  are  coming  to  us  day  after  day.  Of  course, 
Ireland’s  case,  from  the  point  of  view  of  population,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  strug* 
gle  it  has  made,  from  the  point  of  interest  that  it  has  excited  in  the  world,  and  especi¬ 
ally  among  our  own  people,  whom  I  am  anxious  to  serve,  is  the  outstanding  case  of  a 
small  nationality.  You  do  not  know  and  can  not  appreciate  the  anxieties  that  I  have 
experienced  as  the  result  of  these  many  millions  of  people  having  their  hopes  raised 
by  what  I  have  said.  For  instance,  time  after  time  I  raise  a  question  here  in  accord¬ 
ance  with  these  principles,  and  I  am  met  with  the  statement  that  Great  Britain  or 
France  or  some  of  the  other  countries  have  entered  into  a  solemn  treaty  obligation. 
I  tell  them  but  it  was  not  in  accord  with  justice  and  humanity;  and  then  they  tell 
me  that  the  breaking  of  treaties  is  what  has  brought  on  the  greater  part  of  the  wars 
that  have  been  waged  in  the  world.  No  one  knows  the  feelings  that  are  inside  of 
me  while  I  am  meeting  with  these  people  and  discussing  these  things,  and  as  these 
things  that  have  been  said  here  go  over  and  over  in  my  mind  I  feel  it  most  profoundly. 
It  distresses  me.  But  I  believe,  as  you  gentlemen  do,  in  Divine  Providence,  and  I 
am  in  His  hands,  and  I  don’t  care  what  happens  me  individually.  I  believe  these 
things  and  I  know  that  countless  millions  of  other  people  believe  them.  ” 

Gov.  Dunne  said:  “Mr.  President,  do  you  know  that  the  addresses  made  by  us  in 
Ireland,  which  you  say  have  given  offense  to  the  British  authorities,  were  along  these 
lines:  That  we  had  enjoyed  the  blessings  of  a  republican  form  of  government  in 
America  for  many  years,  and  that  we  had  grown  great  and  prosperous  as  a  republic: 
that  we  were  pleased  to  note  that  they  had  in  a  fairly  held  election  determined  that 
they  desired  a  republican  form  of  government,  and  that  we  congratulated  them  upon 
their  choice  and  hoped  that  their  aspirations  would  be  consummated,  the  very  same 
sentiments  that  we  had  always  held  and  thought  in  America,  and  to  which  the  people 
of  Ireland  had  responded?” 

The  President  replied,  “Yes,  Gov.  Dunne,  but  suppose  that  during  our  war  of  the 
rebellion  an  Englishman  had  declared  that  the  South  had  a  right  to  secede,  or  sided 
with  the  South,  nobody  would  have  criticized  him  for  that;  but  suppose  that  he  had 
gone  into  the  South  while  the  rebellion  was  going  on  or  immediately  before  the  rebel¬ 
lion,  would  not  our  Government  have  said  that  he  was  fomenting  the  rebellion?” 

Gov.  Dunne  said:  “There  is  no  parallel  here.  Here  is  a  people  who,  after  the 
armistice,  held  an  election  under  the  forms  and  securities  of  British  law,  and  declared 
for  a  republic,  and  I  don’t  believe  the  cases  are  in  any  way  similar.” 

Mr.  Walsh  then  interjected:  “If  you  are  drawing  that  comparison  between  the 
Southern  States  attempting  the  exercise  of  that  called  ‘the  right  of  secession’  and  the 
case  of  Ireland,  I  am  compelled  to  say,  I  do  not  see  the  parallel.  Would  you  please 
state  in  what  way  the  cases  are  similar?” 

Mr.  Walsh  continued:  “Of  course,  Ireland  has  a  separate  nationality;  it  is  a  nation 
that  has  always  asserted  its  nationhood  except  when  repressed  by  overwhelming 
force,”  and  then  asked  the  President  where  the  parallel  was.  The  President  replied 
that  he  did  not  say  it  was  a  parallel  case. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  interview  the  President  said:  “I  wish  that  you  would 
bear  in  mind  that  1  came  here  with  very  high  hopes  of  carrying  out  the  principles 
as  they  were  laid  down.  I  did  not  succeed  in  getting  all  I  came  after.  I  should  say— 
I  should  say  that  there  was  a  great  deal — no,  I  will  put  it  this  way — there  were  a  lot 
of  things  that  I  hoped  for  but  did  not  get.” 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


839 


Mr.  Walsh.  Now,  when  we  went  over  there  we  expected  to  meet  this 
situation  :  The  President  had  said  this  fight  was  for  the  right  of  small 
nations  to  control  their  own  lives  and  to  govern  themselves.  He  said 
that  the  issue  was  not  made  by  men  or  women,  but  was  made  by 
events;  that  this  principle  was  to  apply  to  those  whom  we  did  not 
like  as  well  as  to  those  whom  we  did  like;  that  there  was  to  be  a  peace 
conference  at  the  end  of  the  war  and  that  that  conference  was  to 
be  composed  not  of  diplomats,  as  such  conferences  had  been  before, 
not  of  statesmen,  not  of  governments,  but  of  peoples  through  their 
representatives;  and  so  these  people,  meeting  in  race  convention,  a 
homogenous  people  with  their  boundaries  fixed  by  God  himself,  by 
the  sea,  a  people  who  had  retained  their  culture  through  the  cen¬ 
turies,  a  people  who  had  maintained  their  social  institutions  in  spite 
of  all  sorts  of  repression  of  armies  of  occupation,  aye,  may  I  say,  a 
people  who  shed  their  most  precious  blood  at  least  once  every  genera¬ 
tion  in  an  attempt  to  repel  the  invader  who  was  occupying  their 
country — these  people  met  in  race  convention  and  sent  us  as  their 
representatives  to  the  peace  conference,  and  we  believed  that  when 
we  got  there  we  would  find  a  conference  of  delegates.  These  people 
had  held  a  plebescite  in  December  under  the  forms  of  English  law, 
under  every  disadvantage  so  far  as  they  were  concerned,  and  by 
an  overwhelming  majority  had  agreed  to  come  under  these  princi¬ 
ples  for  which  so  many  of  our  soldiers  died.  When  they  did  it  they 
separated  from  England.  They  refused  to  go  to  Westminster. 

They  set  up  their  own  congress,  and  I  want  to  say  to  you  gentle¬ 
men,  because  I  speak  here  as  an  American  of  America,  that  I  give 
the  American  thought  when  I  say  as  an  American  of  Irish  blood  that 
if  the  great  test  was  put  between  America  and  any  other  nation  upon 
this  earth,  including  the  one  for  which  we  have  so  deep  a  sentimental 
attachment,  that  we  would  see  Ireland  go  to  the  fathomless  depths 
of  the  sea  and  disappear  as  compared  to  our  own  country,  but  I 
want  to  say  to  you  that  when  these  men  separated  from  England, 
when  this  Irish  people  separated  from  England,  they  separated 
forever.  [Applause.]  They  have  a  volunteer  army  of  200,000 
trained  men,  not  well  equipped,  of  course,  but  none  will  say  in  this 
presence  that  they  will  not  go  out  with  their  rude  weapons  and 
fight  to  the  death,  because  men  are  doing  it  in  India,  where  women 
and  children  are  being  bombed.  They  are  doing  it  in  Egypt,  where 
villages  are  being  ravaged  and  people  are  being  killed  on  the  street. 
They  are  doing  it  in  20  different  countries  among  20  different  groups 
at  the  very  time  that  peace  was  signed.  So  we  believed  that  under 
the  declaration  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  when  we  would 
present  our  case,  we  would  show  that  Ireland  came  strictly  within 
the  definition  which  he  gave  and  that  automatically  Ireland  would 
have  the  right  to  self-determination.  But  we  found  no  such  body 
in  Paris.  We  found  that  70  men  or  more  had  assembled  there;  that 
immediately  upon  assembling  they  had  abrogated  all  their  rights. 

They  were  like  the  minority  stockholders  in  a  corporation  that 
appointed  a  board  of  directors,  and  they  appointed  a  board  of 
directors  of  10.  The  main  body  had  met  only  four  times  in  session 
up  to  the  time  we  left  Paris.  They  appointed  a  board  of  directors  of 
10.  That  board  of  directors  appointed  a  committee  of  four.  One 
of  them  was  found  to  have  no  influence  and  was  set  aside,  so  they 
got  down  to  a  committee  of  three.  We  found  that  there  was  no  small 


840 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


nation  given  a  hearing  before  that  board.  We  found  that  there  was 
no  abstract  right  contended  for  by  any  small  nation  laid  down  as 
the  principle  of  action  by  that  committee  of  three.  And  from  now 
on  for  the  purposes  of  this  argument  we  will  call  them  the  Big  Three 
instead  of  the  Big  Four. 

Senator  Johnson  of  California.  Were  you  present  over  there,  Mr. 
Walsh?  .  . 

Mr.  Walsii.  Mr.  Senator,  I  hung  around  the  Hotel  Crillon  until 
I  wore  out  several  pairs  of  shoes. 

Senator  Johnson  of  California.  I  want  the  record  to  show  that 
you  are  speaking  from  persona]  knowledge. 

Mr.  Walsii.  I  am  speaking  from  personal  knowledge,  and  I  am 
putting  so  much  “  I  ”  m  this  case  that  I  do  not  know  whether  I  am 
a  witness  or  an  advocate  or  what  I  am  here ;  but  I  was  there,  and  the 
record  shows  at  least  the  part  that  I  took. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Will  you  be  kind  enough  to  let  me  ask  you  a 
question  ? 

Mr.  Walsh.  Yes,  indeed,  Senator. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Of  how  many  people  did  this  board  of  di¬ 
rectors,  as  you  call  it,  consist  at  the  time  you  were  corresponding 
with  them  with  a  view  of  getting  the  case  of  Ireland  laid  before  the 
peace  conference? 

Mr.  "Walsh.  There  were  10  of  the  board  of  directors,  but  it  had 
vanished  down  to  3.  I  am  just  giving  my  view  of  it,  of  course,  as  I 
looked  at  it  at  first  hand,  in  a  sort  of  a  way.  We  were  Kansas  City 
and  Chicago  diplomats,  not  Parisian  diplomats.  We  had  to  take  it 
as  we  glanced  at  it,  and  we  found  that  committee  of  three.  Of 
course,  Japan  could  have  sat  in  there,  but  it  was  the  joke  of  Paris, 
“  What  are  the  Japs  going  to  do  ?”  The  other  members  were  wishing 
to  the  Almighty  that  they  would  do  something  besides  just  sit  there 
and  blink;  but  England  had  winked  at  Japan,  of  course.  Japan 
went  in  there  under  that  broad  plan,  the  equality  of  Nations,  the 
equal  recognition  of  all  nationals;  but  Japan  already  had  her  secret 
treaty,  she  already  had  her  understanding.  She  did  not  need  to  be 
there.  WTnat  she  wanted  was  to  maintain  her  grasp  on  Korea  and  to 
get  Shantung.  Of  course  she  dropped  out.  She  was  well  attended  to. 

Now,  instead  of  dealing  with  small  nations  over  there  they  dealt 
with  reparations,  they  dealt  with  indemnities,  they  divided  up  terri¬ 
tories,  they  created  new  nationalities,  some  of  them,  I  understand,  by 
mistake.  They  drew  lines  and  sometimes  did  not  know  what  country 
some  of  these  nationals  were  put  into.  Around  that  place  were  all 
of  these  peoples  trying  to  get  a  voice.  I  believe  that  had  we  had  a 
little  more  practical  statesmanship  we  might  have  organized  the 
small  nations  of  the  world  on  the  principles  of  the  14  points  and 
started  out  and  won  it  for  the  world.  I  really  do  [applause]  ;  be¬ 
cause  the  Lithuanians  were  there,  the  Arabians  were  there,  the  Chi¬ 
nese  were  there,  the  Esthonians  were  there,  the  Georgia  republicans 
were  there,  the  East  Indians  were  there,  and  all  the  others  were 
there,  They  called  at  the  headquarters  of  the  American  commission, 
to  find  out  from  us  what  was  the  reason  why  the  14  points  were  not 
being  applied.  So  after  they  finished  this  work  as  far  as  it  could  be 
finished — the  departure  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  put  an 
end  to  it — we  applied  to  the  “  Big  Three.”  I  am  not  going  into  our 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY* 


841 


correspondence,  but  I  will  say  this,  that  they  said  that  unofficially 
they  loved  us,  but  officially  they  were  ready  to  jump  out  of  the  win¬ 
dow  when  we  came  in.  I  do  not  know  what  they  were  afraid  of. 
Surely  they  were  not  afraid  of  England.  Let  them  look  at  Ireland. 
Nine  hundred  soldiers  held  off  40,000  for  over  a  week.  Let  them 
look  back  to  the  history  of  our  own  country  that  fought  so  well 
against  unequal  odds.  Surely  it  was  not  fear.  But  as  I  say,  un¬ 
officially  they  loved  us,  but  officially,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  I  do  not 
believe  they  liked  to  see  us  come  into  the  Crillon  Hotel. 

In  the  interviews  which  we  are  now  to  submit  under  the  request 
of  this  committee  we  will  give  the  interviews  that  we  had  with  all 
these  gentlemen.  Our  correspondence  will  show — I  want  to  speak 
plainly — how  they  dodged  us.  It  would  have  been,  I  may  say,  more 
agreeable  to  us  and  would  have  called  for  our  admiration  to  a  greater 
extent  if  they  had  just  said,  “  We  don’t  want  to  have  anything  to 
do  with  you*’;  but  they  did  not  do  that.  They  recognized  us  just 
as  far  as  they  could  unofficially,  and  we  claim,  of  course,  officially. 
So  when  the  thing  broke  up - 

Senator  Borah.  Mr.  Walsh,  I  suppose  there  must  have  been  some 
one,  aside  from  the  American  delegation,  that  was  objecting  to  your 
being  heard,  was  there  not? 

Mr.  Walsh.  Oh,  yes;  let  me  tell  you.  Let  me  say  this,  Senator 
Borah,  as  it  will  appear  here,  that  we  were  prevented  from  being 
heard  by  the  representative  of  George  V  directly,  for  this  reason, 
because  now  as  I  study  this  covenant  of  the  league  I  see  many 
angles  that  I  did  not  see  before,  and  I  recall  that  when  that  com¬ 
mittee  of  four  went  into  session  to  settle  the  fate  of  the  whole 
world  they  agreed  that  they  would  not  hear  anyone  except  by 
unanimous  consent,  and  we  were  the  people — that  is,  the  representa¬ 
tives  of  the  Irish  race;  when  I  say  “  we”  I  mean  the  representatives 
of  these  other  races — that  had  the  great  concern. 

Now,  when  that  committee  adjourned  by  the  departure  of  the 
President,  we  for  the  first  time  got  the  league  of  nations.  I  say 
here  now,  and  I  want  to  put  it  in  this  record,  that  that  league  of 
nations  was  never  assented  to,  even  by  the  ones  who  signed  it,  in 
the  sense  that  we  understand  it.  Anyone  who  was  present  at  the 
Quay  d’Orsai  when  the  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations  was  so 
splendidly  and  dramatically  read  by  our  President,  and  has  seen 
them  jumping  up  all  over  the  room,  wanting  to  say  a  word — you 
could  not  tell  who  they  were — but  Clemenceau,  the  lion  of  France, 
blandly  said,  “There  being  no  objection,  the  covenant  of  the  league 
is  agreed  to.”  We  used  to  have  what  we  called  mob  primaries  out 
in  Missouri,  and  I  guess  some  of  you  gentlemen  had  them,  where 
the  chair  would  recognize  only  one  man  to  appoint  a  committee  of 
10  to  bring  in  a  list  of  delegates  to  attend  the  convention,  and  the 
committee  of  10  always  returned  with  a  list  containing  their  own 
names,  and  then  the  meeting  adjourned.  [Laughter.] 

Senator  Brandegee.  You  speak  of  these  interviews  you  had.  Did 
you  have  a  stenographer  with  you? 

Mr.  Walsh.  No;  we  did  not  have  a  stenographer,  but  the  minute 
we  came  away,  every  time,  we  dictated  to  a  stenographer  what  had 
occurred  in  the  conference;  and  in  the  last  one,  the  one  with  the 
President,  I  had  a  gentleman  present  who,  of  course,  could  be  a 


842 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


witness,  and  there  were  two  of  us,  Gov.  Dunne  and  myself,  and  we 
immediately  dictated  it,  and  I  do  not  believe  that  there  will  be  any 
dispute  about  the  facts.  If  so  we  would  like  to  appear  before  this 
committee  again,  and  perhaps  point  out  logically  other  things  that 
coincide  exactly  with  what  was  said  in  that  interview. 

Now,  as  I  say,  I  was  for  a  league  of  nations  such  as  I  have  tried 
to  set  out  here,  but  I  was  willing  to  take  a  bad  league  of  nations. 
I  was  whiling  to  take  one  that  was  not  a  good  league  of  nations. 
I  had  gotten  the  French  thought — the  thought  of  France — that  this 
is  a  rotten  covenant  for  a  league  of  nations;  but  it  is  not  possible 
to  start  unless  you  have  some  sort  of  a  league,  and  you  can  not  have 
a  robust  and  a  good  league  by  strangling  it  to  death  in  infancy. 
I  had  a  good  deal  of  that  thought.  I  studied  that  league  covenant 
coming  back  on  the  boat,  and  having  studied  that  league  covenant 
I  say,  so  far  as  my  limited  capacity  goes  and  my  ability  to  under¬ 
stand  it,  it  is  not  a  league  of  nations  to  prevent  war,  but  it  is  a 
league  of  nations  to  foment  war;  it  is  a  league  of  nations  to  put 
the  shackles  of  injustice  on  almost  half  the  people  of  the  world; 
to  embroil  us  in  wars  and  in  contests  such  as  our  country  has  never 
known  before. 

In  order  to  be  plain — it  is  with  regret  that  I  will  send  my 
resignation  to  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  coincidentally  with 
the  little  effort  I  am  making  to-day — I  hate  to  say  it,  but  I  sav 
that  that  whole  covenant  of  the  league  is  so  shot  through  with 
injustice,  that  the  subtle  European  minds  have  so  covertly  and 
successfully  planted  their  ideals  in  it  in  contradiction  to  the  ideals 
of  the  American  people,  that  no  interpretation  and  no  amendment 
can  make  it  an  honest  document.  [Applause.] 

Now,  if  I  may  be  indulged  for  a  moment,  about  this  league,  we 
have  a  certain  concept.  We  have  been  reproached  for  being  a 
material  people.  Over  there  I  saw  a  cartoon  that  hurt  my  feelings, 
portraying  America  something  like  Davenport’s  cartoons  used  to 
do,  with  dollar  marks  all  over  Uncle  Sam’s  clothes.  We  have  been 
criticized  for  being  chasers  of  the  almighty  dollar  and  for  not 
having  the  high  spirit  that  ought  to  animate  people. 

Senator  Knox.  That  cartoon  represented  the  dollars  they 
wanted. 

Mr.  Walsh.  It  represented  the  dollars  they  wanted;  very  good. 
But  that  criticism,  as  I  say,  is  being  made,  Mr.  Senator.  Now 
we  have  certain  ideals.  This  Government  was  founded  upon  them. 
We  believe  that  the}7  have  not  only  been  good  for  us,  but  they 
have  been  good  for  the  world.  The  great  contribution  that  Presi¬ 
dent  Wilson  made  to  this  war  was  in  his  declaration  upon  going 
into  the  war,  in  the  addresses  that  he  made  to  you  gentlemen  at 
different  times,  and  in  public;  because,  as  I  had  the  privilege  of 
telling  him,  when  he  made  those  declarations  of  the  right  of  every 
man  and  women  to  control  their  own  life  destinies,  he  said  what 
was  in  the  hearts  and  in  the  brains  of  countless  millions  of  people — 
all  of  them,  practically,  except  the  men  who  held  mastery.  He 
declared  principles  for  which  thousands  have  died  what  might 
otherwise  have  been  ignominious  deaths  upon  the  scaffold,  for 
which  countless  millions  have  served  time  in  jails  and  peniten¬ 
tiaries;  and  are  doing  it,  I  may  add,  in  Ireland  to-day;  and  when 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


843 


he  did  it,  be  gave  utterance  to  the  idea  that  set  the  world  free.  By 
your  action  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  you  may  cause 
the  butchery  of  many  more  thousands,  but  that  ideal  will  live.  The 
people  of  the  world  have  been  made  free,  and  they  have  been  made 
free  by  us;  and  if  our  temporary  servants — or  representatives,  to 
be  more  polite,  because  we  have  no  rulers — forget  those  principles, 
then  by  the  strength  of  our  intellects  and  by  the  power  given  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  we  will  get  new  servants  and 
other  representatives  who  will  carry  those  principles  to  their  final 
consummation.  [Applause.] 

I  will  only  try  to  urge  the  fundamentals  of  this  plan. 

Senator  Fall.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  that  the  time  of  the  hear¬ 
ing  be  extended  indefinitely,  until  it  is  concluded. 

Senator  New.  I  second  that  motion. 

Senator  Fall.  It  is  the  first  chance  that  the  American  people 
have  had  for  a  hearing  anywhere,  as  I  understand,  except  m  the 
Senate.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  do  not  like  to  take  the  time. 

Senator  Fall.  Go  on. 

Senator  Moses.  Let  us  have  the  question,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  Borah.  We  have  got  25  days. 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  have  all  the  rest  of  my  life. 

Senator  Johnson  of  California.  And  so  have  the  rest  of  us,  too. 

Senator  Moses.  May  we  have  a  vote  on  this  motion,  Mr.  Chair¬ 
man? 

Senator  Fall.  I  make  that  motion  that  the  time  be  extended 
three  hours — extended  more,  if  necessary. 

The  Chairman.  The  motion  is  that  the  time  be  extended  three 
hours. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Before  we  vote  on  that  let  me  ask - 

The  Chairman.  I  want  to  say  to  the  committee  that  we  arranged 
to  hear  the  Greeks  to-day  and  to  give  them  an  hour,  and  as  they 
have  come  here  from  a  long  distance,  I  feel  bound  to  give  them 
that  hearing. 

Senator  Fall.  The  three  hours  additional  need  not  necessarily  bo 
consecutive.  They  may  take  their  hour  and  then  we  may  continue 
this  hearing,  which  is  very  interesting  to  me. 

The  Chairman.  Certainly.  There  is  no  need  of  a  motion  for 
that. 

Senator  Brandegee.  I  simply  wanted  to  ask  Judge  Cohalan  if  he 
wanted  three  hours  more. 

Judge  Cohalan.  We  would  like  it  very  much.  Mr.  Ryan  gave 
way,  and  he  has  first-hand  information.  Gov.  Dunne  gave  way. 
We  would  like  very  much  to  give  them  an  opportunity  to  be  heard. 

The  Chairman.  We  can  hear  the  Greeks  this  afternoon,  but  of 
course  it  would  involve  a  break  in  your  hearing.  We  can  take  it  up 
later. 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  am  going  to  close  as  quickly  as  I  possibly  can. 
There  are  a  few  things  I  would  like  to  say  yet. 

The  Chairman.  Take  your  time,  Mr.  Walsh.  The  committee  are 
ready  to  hear  you.  [Applause.] 

Senator  Fall.  Mr.  Chairman,  had  we  not  better  settle  this  by 
voting  on  my  motion  for  three  hours’  additional  hearing?  Then 
we  can  take  a  recess  and  hear  the  Greeks  later. 


844 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


The  Chairman.  Certainly.  I  think  we  can  give  them  all  the  time 
they  want. 

Senator  Fall.  I  will  move  to  extend  the  time  again,  if  they  have 
not  completed. 

The  Chairman.  The  committee  can  arrange  that.  We  have  other 
hearings,  and  of  course  we  must  maintain  our  engagements. 

Senator  Johnson  of  California.  We  can  run  these  hearings  into 
next  week. 

Senator  Borah.  We  can  go  ahead,  and  if  nobody  calls  time  on 
them,  they  will  not  need  to  stop. 

Senator  Fall.  Nobody  will  call  time  on  them. 

The  Chairman.  I  will  try  and  make  an  arrangement  with  the 
Greeks  for  their  hearing  in  the  meantime. 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  will  try  as  wTell  as  I  can  to  address  myself  to  what 
I  call  the  fundamentals  of  this  proposed  covenant  of  the  league  of 
nations,  to  give  you  if  I  can  what  is  in  my  mind  and  what  is  in  my 
conscience,  because  I  will  say  again  what  I  feel  impelled  to  say,  that 
this  whole  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations  is  a  perversion  of  what 
the  men  who  really  favored  a  league  of  nations  intended  and  wished 
for. 

Senator  Harding.  Before  you  get  away  from  it,  I  would  like  to 
have  you  emphasize  and  give  us  a  little  more  light  on  one  thing: 
You  expressed  the  surprise  of  the  assembled  commissioners  over  the 
league  when  it  was  presented. 

Mr.  Walsh.  Yes. 

Senator  Harding.  Was  that  marked? 

Mr.  Walsh.  Oh,  it  was  very  marked.  They  jumped  up  all  over 
the  place  to  make  protests.  Man  after  man  got  up.  You  know 
there  was  an  awful  censorship  upon  this  whole  business.  We  fol¬ 
lowed  the  publicity  very  closely,  on  account  of  our  own  little  em¬ 
bassy  over  there.  It  was  impossible  at  that  time  to  get  anything 
about  Ireland  in  a  French  paper.  I  am  very  happy  to  say  that  since 
the  Persian  matter  and  since  the  developments  at  the  White  House 
conference  and  other  places  a  very  distinctly  different  reaction  is 
going  on  in  Paris.  Our  cable  advisers  tell  us  that  the  most  reaction¬ 
ary  papers  in  Paris  are  in  favor  of  the  absolute  independence  of 
Ireland,  and  think  that  Ireland  was  badly  treated  at  the  peace  con¬ 
ference,  and  looked  to  this  Senate  not  to  give  any  advice  and  never 
to  consent  to  the  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations  as  it  is  at  present. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Will  you  allow  mo  to  ask  you  a  question? 

Mr.  Walsh.  Yes. 

Senator  Brandegee.  At  the  time  this  covenant  was  accepted  by 
the  plenary  conference  was  there  any  attempt  to  elucidate  its  pro¬ 
visions,  to  explain  the  various  provisions  in  it,  or  any  debate  upon  it, 
other  than  the  formal  set  speeches  of  the  heads  of  the  nations  which 
presented  it  to  the  conference? 

Mr.  Walsh.  Not  a  particle.  It  had  been  presented  before,  and 
there  were  some  objections  made  to  certain  parts  of  it,  and  it  went 
back,  and  this  meeting  was  called,  and  I  talked  to  one  of  the  most 
powerful  members  of  the  conference  outside  of  the  Big  Four.  He  is 
a  lawyer  of  very  fine  ability.  As  we  are  going  in  to  have  everything 
open,  I  will  say  that  it  was  Judge  Doherty,  of  Canada,  representing 
the  Dominion  of  Canada,  and  the  night  before  he  did  not  know 
what  was  in  it. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY,  845 

Senator  Moses.  lie  was  one  of  the  signatories  to  the  treaty,  was 
he  not  ? 

Mr.  Walsh.  He  was  a  signatory  to  the  treaty. 

Senator  Bran  degee.  I  would  like  to  have  you  or  some  other  gen¬ 
tleman  who  speaks  for  your  side  of  the  question  state  why  this  cove¬ 
nant  can  not  by  amendment  be  made  satisfactory.  I  understand  you 
to  say  that  it  is  such  a  dishonest  document  that  it  can  not  be  made 
honest  by  amendment. 

Mr.  Walsii.  Yes ;  I  say  that.  I  do  not  mean  personal  dishonesty. 

Senator  Brandegee.  I  understand  that. 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  mean  intellectually  dishonest. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Such  an  undesirable  thing  for  the  United 
States  to  agree  to. 

Mr.  Walsii.  Yes. 

Senator  Brandegee.  I  want  either  you  or  some  other  gentleman 
who  addresses  us  to  explain,  in  view  of  article  26,  which  provides 
that  amendments  to  this  covenant  shall  take  effect  when  ratified  by 
the  members  of  the  league  whose  representatives  compose  the  coun¬ 
cil,  and  by  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the  league  whose  repre¬ 
sentatives  compose  the  assembly,  why  under  that  article  it  can  not 
be  amended  satisfactorily.  I  ask  you  that  question  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  one  of  the  strongest  arguments  contained  in  the  letters 
which  I  receive  in  favor  of  the  covenant  is  that,  although  the  cove¬ 
nant  has  its  imperfections,  no  human  document  can  be  expected  to 
be  perfect  when  it  originates,  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was  not  perfect,  and  that  it  was  afterwards  amended  very 
quickly,  and  that  therefore  this  league  covenant  can  be  amended 
satisfactorily  if  we  will  only  go  into  it.  I  want  you  to  give  your 
reasons  why  you  say  it  can  not. 

Mr.  Walsh.  Very  good;  I  will  try  to  answer  that,  Senator.  First, 
I  look  upon  this  document  in  this  way:  It  is  either  a  thoroughgoing 
fraud  from  beginning  to  end,  to  which  a  respectable  nation  should 
not  give  its  assent;  it  is  either  something  gotten  up  intentionally  and 
deliberately  to  deceive,  or  else  it  has  either  the  direct  power  or  the 
potential  power  to  enforce  every  idea  in  it.  That  is  my  opinion  of 
this  document. 

I  believe,  if  we  surrender  to  this  proposed  covenant  of  the  league 
of  nations,  that  in  the  very  essentials  of  its  structure,  we  can  never 
escape. 

I  begin  by  my  opposition  to  article  10,  and,  as  I  suggested,  not 
limiting  it  as  far  as  Ireland  is  concerned,  but  that  it  should  apply  to 
any  country  that  had  the  fate  of  the  people  in  its  hands,  and  had 
determined  the  form  of  government  under  which  it  should  live  and 
which  government  was  oppressed  by  an  army  of  occupation.  I 
think  it  could  be  amended.  But  as  you  go  through  this,  as  has  been 
said,  11  is  just  as  bad  as  10,  and  12  is  just  as  bad  as  11,  and  you 
go  a  little  further  and  you  will  find  that  i3  is  as  bad  as  11,  because  if 
a  dispute  arose,  and  believe  me,  gentlemen,  a  dispute  is  going  to  arise 
about  Ireland  mighty  quickly,  and  a  dispute  is  going  to  arise  about 
other  matters  as  far  as  France  is  concerned,  and  if  this  committee 
has  the  power — and  this  committee  has  the  power  if  it  is  a  fair  docu¬ 
ment  and  not  a  false  document — it  has  the  authority  to  lay  down  the 
procedure  from  which  we  can  never  escape.  And  I  took  section  40 


846 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


of  tlie  annex,  because  my  first  criticism  was  answered  by  a  gentle¬ 
man  very  high  in  authority  who  said  that  this  vote  had  to  be  unani¬ 
mous,  the  vote  of  the  assembly,  but  I  found  under  section  40  of 
the  annex  that  a  majority  vote,  a  bare  majority  of  the  council,  carries 
any  proposition  wTith  it.  And  when  it  comes  to  arbitrament  of  these 
nations,  they  know  exactly  what  they  want  under  this  treaty,  and 
will  never  agree  to  arbitration,  and  it  goes  to  this  council  stacked  in 
advance.  1  want  to  speak  plainly — why?  Because  they  have  secret 
agreements  entered  into  and  signed  by  the  representatives  of  the 
United  States  dividing  territory,  and  unless  the  chairman  has  re¬ 
ceived  them  since  I  heard  the  argument  on  the  case  of  Egypt  the 
other  day,  they  are  still  undisclosed  to  the  separate  branch  of  the 
treaty-making  power,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  certainly 
not  to  our  knowledge. 

The  Chairman.  Most  things  connected  with  this  treaty  are  un¬ 
disclosed. 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  would  say  now,  if  we  are  doing  it  all  open,  as  soon 
as  you  get  the  agreement  mentioned  by  Senator  Fall,  that  you  send 
it  to  us  so  that  we  may  find  out  if  Ireland  is  in  it. 

Senator  Borah.  You  were  speaking  about  article  40? 

Mr.  Walsh.  Article  40  of  the  annex. 

Senator  Brandegee.  You  have  not  the  committee  print? 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  think  I  can  find  it. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Did  you  mean  a  majority  of  the  council  or 
of  the  assembly. 

Mr.  Walsii.  A  majority  vote  of  the  council  decides  the  whole 
thing. 

Senator  Brandegee.  I  wish  you  would  read  that  provision. 

Mr.  Walsh.  All  right.  I  think  I  can  find  it.  It  is  in  the  annex. 
It  is  chapter  3,  article  40. 

Senator  Moses.  That  relates  to  the  Saar  Valley. 

The  Chairman.  Top  of  page  93,  article  40,  section  4. 

Senator  Swanson.  That  relates  to  the  Saar  Basin,  section  4. 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  think  not,  as  I  read  it.  Let  us  consider  it,  because 
I  tried  to  weigh  it  with  great  care,  and  I  weighed  this  with  reference 
to  what  this  council  might  interpret  it  to  mean.  Yow,  the  league 
contains  a  great  many  of  the  ideals  expressed  by  the  President,  but 
still  I  will  say  that  an  analysis  of  that  will  show  that  in  some  place 
there  is  something  that  points  out  that  this  is  not  a  covenant  that  is 
going  to  bring  peace  to  the  world. 

I  get  this  from  the  Congressional  Record.  We  have  the  covenant 
and  then  we  have  the  annex. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Just  give  the  page  and  the  date  of  the  Record. 

Mr.  Walsh.  Page  2479  of  the  Congressional  Record  of  Thursday, 
July  10,  1919.  That  was  my  first  notion  when  I  first  read  it,  that  it 
referred  to  the  Saar  Valiev,  but  I  do  not  believe  that  it  does. 

Senator  Brandegee.  I  want  you  to  put  it  in  the  record  of  the 
hearing  of  this  committee. 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  am  going  to  put  it  in  the  record,  and  then  try  to 
give  you  what  follows,  that  makes  me  say  that  the  interpretation  of 
this  can  be  made  to  show'  that  it  refers  to  the  whole  annex. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Take  your  time  and  find  it. 

Senator  Borah.  I  suggest  that  the  gentleman  proceed  and  that 
when  he  has  time  to  look  this  up  he  can  add  it  to  his  remarks. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


847 


Mr.  Walsh.  Yes. 

Senator  Moses.  In  other  words,  he  will  present  a  brief  on  it? 

Senator  Borah.  No;  he  can  present  his  remarks.  We  will  stay 
here  until  he  gets  through. 

Mr.  Walsh.  Yes;  I  will  find  the  clause  in  there,  if  that  refers  to 
the  whole  annex,  and  I  think  it  does. 

Senator  Swanson.  If  you  will  look  at  page  67  of  the  annex,  it  is 
named  “Annex.”  Then  it  concludes. 

On  page  93,  here  is  the  way  section  40  reads  [reading]  : 

In  all  matters  dealt  with  in  the  present  annex  the  decision  of  the  council  of 
the  league  of  nations  will  he  taken  by  a  majority. 

On  page  67,  if  you  will  read  through — it  is  named  “Annex  ” — it 
shows  that  all  that  in  the  annex  is  limited  to  a  majority. 

Mr.  Walsii.  I  did  not  so  get  it  out  of  the  Congressional  Record. 

I  will  try  to  come  back  to  it.  I  took  this  Congressional  Record  in 
my  analysis  and  that  is  my  conclusion.  I  will  come  back  to  that. 

Now,  then,  to  begin  with,  fundamentally  I  say  that  the  setting  up 
of  this  assembly  and  council  absolutely  pushes  us  away  not  only 
from  the  ideas  of  our  government,  but  surrenders  us  in  this  way  to 
the  conception  of  monarchy  as  opposed  to  a  republican  form  of  gov¬ 
ernment. 

We  were  present,  as  I  say,  in  Paris.  We  wTere  there  at  the  time 
when  all  of  the  experts  were  resigning.  We  were  there  at  the  time 
when  all  of  Paris  understood  that  the  ideals  for  which  we  entered 
the  war  had  been  circumvented.  We  were  there  and  heard  the  secret 
treaties  discussed.  We  were  there  and  heard  not  only  the  facts,  but 
the  intelligent  men  and  women  from  many  of  the  struggling  nation¬ 
alities,  and  all  of  them  drawing  the  point  of  departure  from  democ¬ 
racy  to  autocracy  or  monarchy  just  as  I  am  going  to  try  to  draw  it 
here. 

We  start  with  this  council,  which  consists  of  the  representative  of 
the  American  Republic,  the  minister  of  the  King  of  England,  the 
minister  of  the  King  of  Italy,  the  minister  of  the  Emperor  of  Japan, 
the  minister  of  the  King  of  Belgium,  the  minister  of  the  King  of 
Spain,  the  minister  of  the  King  of  the  Helenes,  and  the  representa¬ 
tive  of  the  Republic  of  France,  essentially  different  in  form,  of 
course,  from  our  own,  and  the  representative  from  the  Republic  of 
Brazil.  So  we  started  out  with  a  monarchical  institution  essentially 
to  pass  upon  all  questions  the  council  of  the  proposed  league  of  na¬ 
tions  has  the  right  to  pass  upon. 

We  find  as  we  look  through  this  treaty,  first,  that  the  nations  ar©  * 
not  disarmed.  We  find  that  we  are  entering  into  obligations  our¬ 
selves  to  increase  our  armament.  We  find  that  we  are  under  a  prac¬ 
tical  obligation  to  increase  our  armament  fivefold.  We  find  that 
under  the  authority — and  I  am  speaking  of  it  now  as  absolute  au¬ 
thority — that  this  is  a  virile  living  thing  that  is  intended  to  effectuate 
its  purpose,  with  all  the  influence  and  power  that  can  be  put  behind 
it  by  all  of  the  powerful  nations  of  the  earth,  and  it  is  that  sort  of 
institution. 

Senator  Harding.  You  have  noted  that  the  President  has  said  that 
wo  really  have  no  obligation  except  to  pass  upon  the  orders  of  tlio 
council  in  accordance  with  the  conception  of  justice. 


848 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


Mr.  Walsii.  I  have  followed  that,  and  in  my  slight  study  of  meta¬ 
physics,  it  is  too  deep  for  me.  I  read  it  over  and  over  again  and 
tried  to  put  it  in  the  blunt  way  I  have  by  saying  that  this  is  a  docu¬ 
ment  of  liberty  and  power  or  it  is  an  essential  fraud;  that  if  we  ad¬ 
mit  there  is  such  a  thing  as  international  law,  under  international 
law  it  must  have  all  the  force  that  any  other  agreement  has  between 
nations,  or  it  has  not  any  at  all.  That  is  my  conception  of  it,  and  I 
give  it  for  what  it  is  worth. 

Now  as  long  as  we  are  a  powerful  nation  and  as  long  as  the  signa¬ 
tories  with  us  have  work  to  do  for  their  kind  of  an  imperialistic 
character  in  the  world,  so  long  will  they  carry  America  along  with 
them.  If  we  furnish  the  men,  if  we  furnish  the  treasurer,  if  we 
spill  the  blood — and  it  must  be  done  at  once,  as  I  will  try  to  show 
before  I  leave  my  remarks — then  we  go  along  with  our  fellow  im¬ 
perialists  and  we  are  full  imperialist  criminals  with  them.  But  if 
our  one  man  on  that  league  of  nations  decides  that  we  will  not  go  on, 
then  it  will  be  found  that  we  did  not  need  this  large  army,  that  we 
will  drop  under  a  pledge  that  we  have  made  to  allow  the  council  to 
set  the  quantity  of  disarmament  or  armament  that  may  be  had.  We 
will  then  drop  down  into  a  small  armed  country.  Why?  Because  it 
is  not  necessary  to  police  our  country.  Why  ?  Because  if  we  refuse  as 
a  matter  of  fact  to  join  with  them  in  their  imperialistic  aggressions, 
and  they  have  the  power  under  it  to  allow  Germany — we  conjure 
hatred  with  that  name  of  old,  and  so  I  mention  it — if  we  admit 
Germany  afterwards  into  the  league,  then  England  could  right  away 
have  a  standing  army  or  navy  to  conquer  any  country  that  they  de¬ 
sired  to  keep  under  subjection  or  to  place  under  subjection,  while  we 
■would  have  a  small  army  if  they  disarmed  us  on  land  and  disarmed 
ns  on  sea,  and  we  might  have  a  navj?  half  as  large  as  England’s,  and 
she  could  have  a  navy  twice  as  large  as  she  has  at  the  present  time. 

And  so  I  might  go  through  this  document.  I  will  be  glad  to  do 
it.  It  can  be  done.  But  I  know  you  gentlemen  have  done  it. 

I  would  do  it  if  I  had  the  power,  which  I  doubt. 

If  this  is  not  a  covenant  for  a  league  of  nations,  what  is  it?  Can 
there  be  any  dispute  about  it?  It  is  a  so-called  covenant  of  a 
league  of  nations  proclaimed  to  the  world,  and  honestly  by  its  ad¬ 
vocate — by  its  only  advocate,  who  I  believe  has  followed  this  thing 
through,  because  there  is  a  propaganda  going  on  in  this  country 
such  as  there  never  has  been  before.  On  Broadway,  New  York,  I 
heard  a  Government  official  connected  with  the  Educational  Depart¬ 
ment  in  Washington.  May  I  without  offense  to  the  gentleman  say 
that  he  has  never  read  this  league  of  nations  covenant.  But  he  had 
a  crowd  around  him  and  was  speaking  for  it  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  I  saw  another  man  speaking  for  it  and  asking  his 
organization  to  indorse.  I  know  this  gentleman  has  not  read  it. 

It  is  called  a  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations.  It  is  a  catch¬ 
word.  It  first  caught  my  consciousness.  It  is  a  catch  word,  and 
that  will  bring  behind  it  those  who  abhor  war  and  those  who  believe 
that  some  start  ought  to  be  made  with  a  league  of  nations.  But 
the  truth  ought  to  be  written  that  it  is  a  league  to  effectuate  and 
maintain  permanently  the  divisions  of  territory,  and  the  seizing  of 
the  lives  of  men  and  women  as  contained  in  secret  treaties  about 
which  the  President  of  the  United  States  knew  nothing  when  ho 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


849 


made  these  utterances,  about  which  lie  knew  nothing  when  he  went 
to  Paris,  and  about  which  we  knew  nothing,  and  for  the  upholding 
and  maintaining  of  the  principles  of  which  300,000  of  our  men  were 
killed,  gassed,  and  wounded  in  foreign  lands,  which  can  not  be  denied 
here.  I  have  read  the  questions  asked  by  Senators  Borah  and  John¬ 
son.  It  is  in  the  minds  of  all  of  you  that  when  that  Big  Three 
sat,  there  were  three  dominating  thoughts.  One  was  a  man  of  ideals, 
of  honest  ideals.  I  say  that  1  believe  that  if  our  President  could 
have  come  back  to  this  country  with  every  one  of  them  put  in  force, 
his  heart’s  greatest  desire  would  have  been  met.  I  believe  that.  But 
when  he  got  there,  as  he  expressed  it,  he  had  in  mind  all  of  the 
principles  for  which  we  had  gone  to  war,  an  end  of  secret  diplomacy, 
an  end  of  back-door  intrigue,  an  end  of  the  power  of  one  man  to 
get  into  a  squabble  with  another  and  call  to  arms  millions  of  people, 
the  young  manhood  of  the  country  that  he  happens  to  represent, 
that  there  was  to  be  an  end  to  this  thing  of  dividing  territory  re¬ 
gardless  of  the  wishes  of  the  people,  that  always  and  ever  the  rights 
of  nationalities  were  to  be  considered,  that  always  and  ever  no  man 
hereafter  should  have  a  government  imposed  upon  him -that  his 
conscience  did  not  approve  of,  but  he  found  that  secret  treaties  had 
been  made  absolutely  abrogating  every  one  of  his  14  points.  What 
became  of  the  freedom  of  the  seas? 

The  recognition,  if  you  give  it,  and  I  trust  in  God  you  will  not, 
to  England’s  protectorate  over  Egypt  means  that  England  takes 
Turkey’s  right  to  the  Suez  Canal;  means,  if  I  conjure  the  thought 
correctly,  that  it  gives  England  a  grip  on  every  quart  of  salt  water 
in  the  world;  this  country,  attempting  to  enforce  ideals,  laying 
down  what  is  contained  in  some  parts  of  the  present  proposed  league 
of  peace,  the  present  covenant.  On  the  other  hand,  what  do  we 
have?  I  must  state  it  plainly.  I  do  not  believe  from  my  observation 
that  the  French  people  as  a  people  have  imperialistic  aims.  You 
can  not  get  the  thought  or  the  reaction  I  believe  that  would  con¬ 
vince  you  of  that.  At  any  rate,  I  believe  that  so  intent  were  they 
particularly  upon  getting  reparation  for  the  devastation  of  their 
country,  so  anxious  wTere  they  to  have  guaranties  for  their  future 
protection,  and  so  insistent  was  this  demand,  that  it  became,  as  the 
President  said,  a  state  of  mind,  and  nothing  else  so  far  as  France 
was  concerned  could  be  considered;  and  so  all  the  press  of  France 
sounded  that  one  note;  and  so  everything  was  censored  that  might 
have  anything  to  do  with  the  enforcement  of  our  ideals  as  expressed 
in  the  messages  to  Congress,  in  the  writings  and  speeches  of  the 
President. 

On  the  other  hand  was  the  representative  of  the  King  of  Great 
Britain,  Mr.  Lloyd-George.  He  held  his  eyes  to  high  heaven  and 
said  that  England  had  no  imperialistic  aim  in  the  war;  that  they 
did  not  propose  to  gain  1  yard  of  territory.  And  when  they  were 
urging  us  into  the  "war,  you  remember  how  he  denounced — how  Mr. 
Asquith  denounced — what  they  called  the  lie  of  the  enemy,  that 
they  had  any  desire  for  any  territorial  aggrandizement.  But  Mr. 
Lloyd-George  was  there,  and  there  for  that  purpose  alone.  He 
emerged  with  his  mandatories  or  with  his  protectorates  or  whatever 
you  call  them;  and  I  point  to  them  and  I  point  to  Egypt  and  I  point 


850 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


to  Ireland,  and  I  say,  whatever  they  call  them,  they  are  always  the 
same — and  I  say  that  at  the  very  foundation  of  it,  it  is  the  desire  and 
the  purpose  to  economically  subject  the  people  of  those  countries; 
to  keep  them  in  practical  slavery — the  producing  masses  of  those 
countries.  The  people  who  produce  the  cotton  in  Egypt  are  not 
allowed  to  manufacture  the  goods  into  textiles  in  their  own  country, 
but  are  compelled  to  send  the  raw  material  to  England.  If  England 
did  not  get  that  economic  advantage,  as  they  have  in  Ireland  and  as 
they  have  in  every  country  into  which  they  have  gone,  she  would 
have  no  concern  in  going  in  there. 

I  have  no  hatred  of  England.  I  am  proud  of  her  achievements 
where  they  have  been  good.  But  I  say  in  the  very  genesis  of  the  im¬ 
perialist  idea  is  corruption,  the  very  thought  of  holding  their  people 
for  economic  advantage  is,  governmentally  and  internationally,  if 
you  enter  into  it,  dishonesty. 

Now,  then,  she  emerged  with  an  added  control  over  something  like 
33,000,000  people,  with  an  area  in  land,  and  valuable  land,  gold  mines, 
diamond  mines,  the  richest  agricultural  land  existing  in  the  world,  in 
her  own  bag.  Did  she  do  it  honestly  and  fairly?  Can  any  league 
be  a  good  league  that  has  this  honestly  as  its  genesis?  Was  it  fair,  I 
ask — was  it  fair,  gentlemen  of  this  committee,  let  me  ask — to  take  the 
lives  of  our  300,000  men  or  to  cripple  them ;  was  it  right  to  accept  our 
aid  under  the  declaration  we  made;  was  it  right  to  accept  our  aid 
after  Lloycl-George  and  Asquith  had  declared  that  they  wanted  no 
more  territory,  when  they  absolutely  had  the  obligation  so  far  as  it 
could  be  international  to  hold  that  territory,  and  when  they  had  in 
their  minds  that  they  would  do  exactly  what  they  did  do  with  the 
representative  of  the  United  States — that  instead  of  following  out 
the  principles  for  which  we  entered  the  war  they  would  get  an  agree¬ 
ment  including  among  its  signatories  our  powerful  country,  with  its 
great  resources,  to  effectuate  and  to  keep  forever  what  they  had 
already  gotten,  a  territory  five  times  larger  than  the  thirteen  original 
States  of  the  United  States  ?  As  I  say,  I  do  not  care  what  they  call 
it,  a  mandatory  or  what  not;  they  have  it,  and  by  force  of  arms  and 
by  the  help  what  they  think  we  can  give  them,  they  are  going  to 
keep  it. 

I  would  like  at  this  point  to  try  to  direct  a  few  observations,  that 
may  again  be  an  answer  to  what  Senator  Brandegee  asked,  as  to 
the  constitution,  the  constituent  elements,  of  this  league  of  nations, 
and  the  way  it  is  being  gotten  up.  Some  place  in  the  world  there 
is  a  committee  of  seven  men.  I  do  not  know  whether  there  is  a 
democrat  upon  it — I  mean  democrat  in  its  wide  sense.  I  do  not 
know  whether  there  is  a  man  on  it  that  belieyes  in  the  representative 
form  of  government.  Has  this  committee  been  given  a  name — a 
committee  to  organize  a  league  of  nations?  Very  well,  some  place 
there  is  a  committee  sitting  in  the  world.  It  may  consist - 

Senator  Johnson.  Did  anybody  on  this  committee  know  that  that 
authority  had  been  given? 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  think  Senator  Fall  knew  it. 

Senator  Fall.  I  knew  it. 

The  Chairman.  When  I  shook  my  head,  I  meant  that  I  did  not 
know  the  names.  We  know  some  of  the  people  on  it  by  reference  to 
the  newspapers. 


3MIEATY  OF  PEACE  WITBT  GERMANY.  851 

Mr.  W  alsii.  I  have  observed  them.  They  all  have  been  published. 

The  Chairman.  Not  to  mv  knowledge. 

Mr.  Walsh.  Some  place  sitting  in  the' world  there  is  a  committee 
whose  personnel  is  unknown  in  toto  to  the  chairman  of  the  Foreign 
Relations  Committee.  That  committee  has  this  important  duty,  if 
vou  do  not  know - 

V 

Senator  Fall.  Among  its  other  duties,  it  has  to  control  the  agenda. 

Mr.  Walsh.  They  not  only  put  down  the  primary  organization, 
but  they  named  the  agenda  for  the  first  meeting. 

The  Chairman.  And  they  also  arranged  the  personnel  and  the 
officers  of  the  league. 

Mr.  Walsii.  They  have  gone  even  further  than  that,  anticipating 
that  the  Senate  would  not  perform  its  duty  under  the  Constitution 
and  advise  against  this  if  they  thought  that  it  was  wrong.  You 
will  refuse  to  give  your  consent  to  it  if  you  believe  as  I  do  about  it. 
Anticipating  that,  Sir  Eric  Drummond  was  appointed  first  secre¬ 
tary  general. 

I  want  to  say  to  you  gentlemen  who,  I  know,  have  had  large  experi¬ 
ence  in  constituting  boards  and  bodies,  that  a  general  secretary  with 
the  power  that  Sir  Eric  Drummond  has,  will  have  more  influence  upon 
the  conduct  of  that  board  than  will  a  majority  of  the  members.  I 
say  that  because  he  has  the  ability  to  and  he  will  make  the  suggestions 
as  to  the  agendum.  He  is  the  one  who  will  receive  the  protests  of 
people  who  claim  they  are  being  subjected  or  repressed.  He  is  the 
one  at  first  hand  who  passes  primarily  upon  every  act  that  that  com¬ 
mittee  will  be  called  upon  to  perform.  So  I  say,  knowing  the  little 
that  I  do  about  constituting  boards,  and  in  cases  where  they  are 
brought  from  different  parts  of  our  own  country,  that  a  general  sec¬ 
retary  of  a  board  composed  of  different-speaking  people  from  all 
over  the  world  is  the  man  who  will  control  that  bod}^,  practically, 
if  not  absolutely. 

At  the  present  time  there  are  peoples  subject  to  restrictions  in  all  of 
the  countries  of  the  world.  As  I  heard  detailed  to  you  the  other  day, 
the  officers  of  the  Government  of  Egypt  have  the  right,  so  far  as  I 
can  see,  to  be  diplomatically  represented  in  this  or  any  other  nation 
on  earth.  They  showed  me  their  papers,  and  they  came  from  their 
own  State  Department,  and  they  did  not  need  to  be  viseed  by  Great 
Britain.  They  came  to  Paris.  They  were  shocked  when  they  came 
there  to  find  that  two  days  before  they  arrived  the  President  of  the 
United  States  had  given  out  an  interview  in  which  he  recognized. the 
protectorate  of  England  over  Egypt,  and  adjured  the  people  of 
Egypt  not  to  commit  any  violence  or  do  anything  that  would  cause 
pain  and  suffering  to  the  inhabitants.  And  these  men,  precluded 
from  any  effort  to  get  into  the  conference,  spent  the  balance  of  their 
time  attempting  to  see  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  before 
he  left  he  advised  Saad  Pasha  Zagloul  that  it  would  be  impossible  on 
account  of  lack  of  time  to  see  him.  This  covenant  is  set  up  under  the 
direction  of  Sir  Eric  Drummond  in  the  United  States.  How  is  Saad 
Pasha  Zagloul  to  come  in?  How  is  he  to  get  in  the  building  when  he 
could  not  get  in  the  country? 

A  Bystander.  How  did  the  Irish  get  in? 

Mr.  Walsh.  Because  the  Irish  people  had  the  spirit,  because  those 
Irishmen  knew  the  genius  of  our  country,  knew  that  no  mere  pro¬ 
hibitory  law  with  reference  to  criminals  could  keep  a  man  out  of 

135549° — 19 - 7 


852 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


there  who  was  making  a  fight  for  liberty.  That  is  how  ole  Valera  got 
in.  That  is  the  spirit  that  brought  him  in.  The  people  of  Ireland 
have  representativ.es.  They-have  sent  their  envoys,  sent  by  the  regu¬ 
lar  government  of  Ireland,  to  Paris.  They  have  to  go  there  on  some 
specious  plea  or  on  disregard  for  some  restrictive  statute  or  ordi¬ 
nance  or  regulation.  The  Egyptians  are  a  great  people.  There  are 
many  millions  of  people  there  crying  out  against  the  dominion 
which  they  despise,  in  order  to  come  into  the  league  of  nations. 
Plow  did  they  get  into  the  building?  The  answer  is  how  did  they  get 
into  the  country?  I  have  said,  and  I  say  again,  that  there  should  be 
no  pretense  that  we  are  going  to  hear  anyone  or  that  we  are  going  to 
have  any  part  in  European  affairs  if  the  right  of  every  decent  man 
to  come  and  go  freely  across  the  earth’s  surface  is  not  accorded  to 
him,  holding  him  strictly  amenable  to  the  laws  of  every  country  in 
which  he  mav  be,  whether  those  laws  are  to  his  liking,  good  or  bad. 
But  we  can  not  talk  about  having  an  international  body  where  we 
have  restrictive  laws  that  would  keep  the  men  that  are  trying  to  get 
a  voice  for  their  people  from  freely  attending  the  place  where  the 
conference  is  to  be  held. 

Mr.  Chairman,  and  Senators,  this  question,  of  course,  to  my  mind, 
is  not  an  Irish  question.  I  want  to  say  to  you  that  the  people  of 
Ireland  are  better  acquainted  with  our  laws  and  our  customs  and  the 
interpretation  of  our  constitution  than  any  other  people  on  earth, 
and  I  say  that  without  boasting,  and  they  are  convinced  that  this 
league  of  nations  would  not  only  not  furnish  them  any  help,  but 
would  be  absolutely  destructive  to  their  efforts  for  independence,  and 
that  they  would  not  get  their  independence  at  all  until  the  next  war 
between  half  and  half  of  the  world  was  settled  and  democracy 
finally  triumphs.  That  is  the  answer  to  the  question. 

What  did  we  find  there?  We  went  through  Ireland;  we  visited  it. 
They  have  separated  from  England.  They  have  set  up  a  government 
of  their  own.  There  is  an  English  censorship  that  does  not  allow 
news  to  get  out. .  We  got  there,  and  what  happened  in  Ireland?  We 
have  it  in  that  blue  book,  Gov.  Dunne  and  myself.  It  can  be  backed 
up  by  a  wealth  of  evidence  that  will  make  every  assertion  so  clear 
that  even  Mr.  McPherson,  the  chief  secretary  for  Ireland,  could  not 
deny  it.  We  challenged  them  to  appoint  a  committee  of  their  own 
to  investigate  conditions  in  Ireland.  Why?  Not  that  we  would 
embroil  the  United  States  in  any  contest  that  Ireland  is  having,  but 
in  order  that  you  may  do  nothing  that  will  make  the  chains  stronger 
upon  Ireland. 

Senator  Bran  degee.  Did  you  read  the  speech  that  Senator  Walsh, 
of  Montana,  made  in  the  Senate  the  other  day,  in  which  he  claimed 
that  the  only  hope  for  the  Irish  cause  was  in  the  league  of  nations. 

Mr.  Walsh.  I  did  not  have  the  pleasure  of  reading  that.  There 
is  so  much  being  published  now  that  I  can  not  read  it  all,  but  I  say 
this:  I  respectfully  differ  from  the  conclusions  arrived  at  by  Senator 
Walsh.  As  I  say,  I  just  came  from  Ireland.  Those  are  intelligent 
people  over  there.  We  have  referred  to  the  small  nations,  and  I  say 
that  it  warms  my  American  heart  to  see  the  way  those  people 
clamored  around  our  headquarters.  It  was  a  sort  of  headquarters 
for  the  oppressed  people  of  the  earth.  They  have  an  idea  that  the 
President’s  14  points  are  absolutely  in  the  hearts  of  our  people.  They 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


853 


have  an  idea,  and  have  it  very  strongly,  that  in  some  way  there  is 
some  power  that  is  never  going  to  allow  this  division  of  territory  to 
be  made.  So  we  met  these  people;  some  of  them  splendid  people. 
They  are  called  backward  and  subject  peoples,  and  small,  and  all 
those  diminutive  names.  We  found  a  state  of  war  going  on  in  Ire¬ 
land.  They  have  a  volunteer  army  of  200,000.  They  have  their 
officers.  They  drill  daily,  practically  all  of  them  are  mobilized,  and 
they  have  their  maneuvers.  The  effort  to  repress  them  is  an  effort  of 
force.  We  ought  to  understand  this  thing  and  look  at  it  plain! v. 
We  heard  about  the  so-called  murders,  and  I  shall  try  to  classify 
them.  Reference  has  been  made  to  the  constables.  They  are  not 
constables  such  as  we  know.  They  are  members  of  a  standing  army. 
The}r  carry  rifles,  and  they  drill  with  rifles.  They  have  machine  guns. 
They  live  in  barracks  as  soldiers  do.  They  are  never  residents  of  the 
community  in  which  they  operate  as  constables.  So  they  are  soldiers. 
They  act  under  the  direct  command  of  the  commander  in  chief  of  the 
English  army  of  occupation  in  Ireland.  They  took  prisoners,  the 
prisoners  they  took  are  republican  volunteer  soldiers  and  they  were 
taken  not  as  assassins,  but  in  broad  daylight,  in  the  large  cities  of 
Ireland. 

These  men  met  them,  and  they  met  them  in  a  way  which,  if  war 
was  declared  and  it  was  our  country,  because  of  the  fight  they  made 
against  unequal  odds,  they  would  be  entitled  to  a  medal  from  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States.  They  retake  the  prisoners  of  the 
English  army.  In  taking  them,  if  they  have  to  do  it,  they  kill  the 
soldiers  of  the  army  of  occupation,  of  course,  and  the  soldiers  of  the 
army  of  occupation  try  to  kill  them.  Is  it  a  state  of  war?  There 
is  the  most  crimeless  country  in  the  world.  There  is  jail  after  jail, 
built  to  hold  a  thousand  men,  with  10  common-law  prisoners  in 
them,  misdemeanants,  or  men  charged  with  felony,  and  hundreds 
of  men  charged  with  nothing  but  being  republicans.  Are  they 
criminals?  These  fights  and  flurries  at  arms  take  place  in  the 
large  cities  in  Ireland.  The  Irish  people  retake  their  prisoners  and 
take  them  away — in  one  case  with  10,000  people  looking  on.  These 
people  are  their  soldiers  and  their  heroes.  They  protect  them  and 
they  fight  for  them  because  they  say  that  a  battle  is  going  on.  Tlio 
English  army  is  in  Ireland  to-day  with  every  device  of  death 
immediately  at  command.  I  saw  them  build  the  emplacements  upon 
which  the  machine  guns  are  now  firmly  fixed,  covering  Liberty  Hall 
in  Dublin,  so  as  to  send  a  deathly  fire  into  the  headquarters  of  the 
national  labor  organization  of  Ireland.  And  why?  Because  I  say 
those  men,  the  most  conservative  labor  organization  in  the  world, 
going  along  lines  approved  of  by  all  men,  are  likewise  republicans, 
and  instead  of  treating  them  as  citizens  they  treat  them  as  criminals. 
Those  jails  were  created.  We  saw  men  confined  in  those  jails  that 
would  compare  with  the  gentlemen  whom  I  have  the  honor  to  ad¬ 
dress  this  morning,  as  lawyers. 

We  saw  newspaper  men  there,  Senator  Johnson,  who  compare 
most  favorably  with  any  that  you  know  in  California  or  with  the 
very  best  that  I  have  known,  who  own  and  edit  their  own  news¬ 
papers.  We  saw  men  who  have  devoted  a  lifetime  to  doing  some¬ 
thing  for  the  people  whom  they  represent — members  of  the  Irish 
Parliament — in  solitary  confinement.  We  saw  the  cells  in  which 


854 


TEE  AT  Y  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


they  had  been  confined.  They  were  taken  out  of  them  the  night 
before,  we  were  advised,  but  we  saw  the  underground  cells  in  which 
they  were  kept  in  solitary  confinement,  and  when  we  asked  the 
question  of  the  governor  of  the  jail,  or  made  the  assertion  at 
Mount  Joy,  he  did  not  deity  it.  We  heard  the  story  at  first  hand  of 
the  statement  of  the  women,  young  and  old,  those  whom  I  met,  and 
from  whose  lips  I  heard  the  story  which  I  would  not  undertake  in 
this  presence  to  detail  because  of  its  loathsomeness.  I  heard  that 
story  from  the  lips  of  women  as  refined,  as  virtuous,  as  intellectual 
as  your  wife  and  daughter  and  mine,  and  I  can  pay  them  no  higher 
compliment;  and  what  I  say  is  going  on  all  through  Ireland  to-day. 

Talk  about  bolshevists !  Property  is  absolutely  unsafe  in  Ireland. 
Raids  are  made  on  private  residences  and  thousands  of  dollars’ 
worth  of  property  are  being  taken,  and  not  even  what  they  call  con¬ 
traband.  Every  excess  that  applies  to  an  army  engaged  especially 
in  an  unjust  war  is  being  practiced  upon  the  Irish  people.  Thou¬ 
sands  of  dollars  of  ordinary  mercantile  establishments  are  taken 
away.  Everything  is  done  to  break  the  spirit  of  those  people.  Yet 
we  are  asked  to  show  that  at  a  time  a  commission  is  undertaking  to 
establish  peace  they  are  trying  to  pass  this  covenant,  intended,  as 
they  claim,  to  prevent  war,  while  a  state  of  war  actually  exists  in 
Ireland  and  in  other  countries,  and  at  this  very  time  they  refuse  to 
listen  to  the  Irish  people. 

We  are  here  to  state  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  if  this  league  in  its 
present  form  is  consented  to  by  the  Senate,  200,000  men,  according  to 
their  own  statement — because  I  speak  only  by  what  they  say — stand 
ready  to-da}^  before  the  world  to  bring  America  back  to  the  ideals 
which  it  has  always  preserved. 

Judge  Cohalan.  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen,  I  will  now  ask 
Mr.  Michael  J.  R3Tan,  of  Philadelphia,  another  one  of  the  commis¬ 
sioners,  to  come  forward  and  tell  his  experiences  in  Paris. 

STATEMENT  OF  ME.  MICHAEL  J.  RYAN. 

Senator  Swanson.  Mr.  Ryan,  before  you  begin,  I  think  I  should 
suggest  to  the  other  members  of  the  committee  that  the  Sergeant  at 
Arms  of  the  Senate  has  sent  for  us  to  come  and  make  a  quorum. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Why,  we  have  the  permission  of  the  Senate 
to  sit  during  the  sessions  of  the  Senate. 

Senator  Swanson.  Well,  we  can  not  break  up  a  quorum. 

Senator  Brandegee.  We  have  permission  to  sit  here. 

Senator  Boraii.  Tell  them  to  adjourn. 

The  Chairman.  You  may  proceed,  Mr.  Ryan. 

Mr.  Ryan.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  been  asked  by  the  chairman  of 
our  conference  to  participate  in  a  departure  from  our  program  upon 
which  we  agreed  this  morning.  It  was  then  contemplated  that  Mr. 
Walsh  should  speak,  and  then  that  the  governor  of  New  Hampshire 
and  the  lieutenant  governor  of  Montana  should  be  heard,  and  that 
the  closing  argument  upon  the  legal  propositions  advanced  by  the 
committee  should  be  made  by  Mr.  Bourke  Cockran,  to  whom  I  am 
sure  it  will  be  a  delight  for  all  of  us  to  listen.  I  am  asked  merely 
to  rise  for  a  moment  and  give  an  experience.  I  understand  that 
some  of  you  have  asked  that  those  who  visited  Paris  should  make  a 
little  statement. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


855 


We  reached  Paris — Mr.  Walsh,  Gov.  Dunne,  and  myself — on  the 
12th  or  13th  of  April.  We  immediately  sought  an  interview  with 
the  President  of  the  United  States.  We  joined  in  a  letter  which 
appears  as  the  first  communication  signed  by  the  three  of  us,  ad¬ 
dressed  to  the  President,  asking  for  an  interview.  We  set  forth 
the  purpose  of  our  coming,  to  wit,  that  safe-conduct  should  be 
granted  to  Eamonn  de  Valera,  the  president  of  the  Irish  republic, 
Arthur  Griffith,  and  George  Noble,  Count  Plunkett,  to  Paris  from 
Dublin,  so  that  they  might  present  the  cause  of  Ireland.  We  have 
set  it  forth  on  page  2  of  the  document  that  is  now  filed  with  each  of 
you.  Some  days  afterwards,  the  President,  through  his  secretary, 
caused  a  communication  to  be  sent  to  Mr.  Walsh,  asking  Mr.  Walsh 
alone  to  visit  him,  which  he  did.  We  were  then  referred  to  Col. 
House,  and  our  communications  during  my  entire  stay  in  Paris  were 
with  Col.  House.  I  left  Paris  on  the  24th  of  May,  and  I  left  wdien 
we  learned  the  attitude,  as  will  be  discerned  from  the  communica¬ 
tion  printed  in  the  pamphlet  to  which  I  have  heretofore  referred, 
signed  by  Robert  Lansing,  in  which  he  says : 

I  regret  to  inform  you  that  the  American  representatives  feel  that  any  further 
efforts  on  their  part  connected  with  this  matter  would  be  futile  and,  therefore, 
unwise. 

Col.  House  I  had  never  seen,  nor  had  I  read  much  of  him.  I 
belong  to  the  party,  as  Senator  Knox  knows,  of  which  President 
Wilson  is  the  official  head,  and  I  confess  that  I  was  curious  to  meet 
the  great  Col.  House.  He  undoubtedly  treated  us  most  splendidly, 
and  he  deserves  all  of  the  commendation  given  to  him  in  respect  to 
smoothness  and  velvetness  of  character,  and  I  doubt  whether  wo 
could  at  all  find  fault  wTith  the  kindliness  and  courtesy  extended  to 
us  b}^  him. 

I  have  listened  to  a  summary  of  the  proceedings  of  the  peace  con¬ 
ference,  and  I  would  confirm  that  from  our  knowledge  of  that  which 
took  place  in  Paris,  with  this  detail.  I  think  we  were  all  three  informed 
by  the  chairman  of  the  subcommittee,  to  whom  was  theoretically 
allotted  the  preparation  of  the  league  of  nations  draft,  that  the 
perfected  instrument  was  handed  to  him  with  instructions  to  present 
it  within  10  minutes. 

Senator  Fall.  Who  was  that? 

Mr.  Ryan.  I  would  rather  not  now  state.  I  shall  probably  in¬ 
form  you  later  on  in  the  day  after  a  conference  with  our  people. 

Senator  Fall.  We  would  like  to  know. 

Mr.  Ryan.  I  am  sure  you  would.  And  the  draft  was  read.  There 
was  no  debate  upon  it.  After  its  reading,  the  first  man  to  interrupt 
was  the  representative  from  Japan,  who  stated  that  it  had  been  his 
intention  to  present  the  question  of  race  equality,  but  that  he  waived 
it  for  the  time  without  withdrawing  it,  or  without  being  misunder¬ 
stood  as  asserting  it.  The  representatives  of  Belgium  arose  and 
stated  that  they  had  hoped  in  view  of  Belgium’s  sufferings  that 
Brussels  would  have  been  selected  as  the  permanent  place  of  meeting 
rather  than  Geneva.  Some  representatives  of  the  South  American 
Republics  rose  up,  and  then  Chairman  Clemenceau  stated  that  there 
being  no  further  objections,  the  league  of  nations  was  #  adopted. 
There  "was  no  roll  call,  and  those  of  us  who  had  heard  of  it,  envied 
the  skill  with  which  it  was  handled  and  adopted,  and  we  marveled 
at  it  all. 


856 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


Senator  Borah.  Is  there  any  difference  between  the  steam  roller 
in  Paris  and  in  the  United  States? 

Mr.  Ryan.  No;  we  regarded  it  with  admiration.  Some  of  us  had 
had  experience  in  Kansas  City,  in  Chicago,  and  Philadelphia,  and 
we  thought  that  we  had  learned  much  in  France  which  we  might  use 
profitably  in  America.  At  the  last  interview  that  I  had  together  with 
my  colleagues,  with  Col.  House,  the  suggestion  was  made  that  wo 
might  present  that  which  we  had — our  cause — to  three  of  the  Ameri¬ 
can  commissioners.  We  demurred.  He  then  added  that  he  would 
join  in  hearing  us.  We  were  jocular  with  him,  and  as  I  say,  every¬ 
thing  was  exceedingly  pleasant.  He  was  most  courteous,  and  we 
suggested  and  he  joined  in  the  suggestion,  that  it  would  be  a  great 
pleasure  to  listen  to  us  upon  the  Irish  question,  that  he  could  join 
three  of  his  colleagues.  There  was  a  suggestion  that  we  ought  to  have 
the  President,  and  I  am  very  positive  that  he  said  that  the  five  com¬ 
missioners  had  never  met,  the  five  American  representatives  had 
never  met  to  consider  any  question.  I  mention  these  things  hesi¬ 
tatingly,  but  at  the  urging  of  Judge  Cohalan,  with  the  thought  that 
they  might  be  makeweights  in  the  scale,  to  show  to  you  men  the 
direct  absence  of  consideration  of  the  peoples  pressing  for  hearings, 
who  sought  to  be  resurrected  into  nations. 

The  interview  which  you  have  ordered  to  be  printed,  which  took 
place  wfith  the  President  after  I  had  gone,  showed  some  of  the 
reasons  moving  the  President  for  his  conduct,  because  he  there 
asserts  that  it  was  agreed  that  no  hearings  should  be  given  to  any 
representatives  of  any  small  nations,  without  the  consent  of  the 
entire  Big  Four.  Of  course  unanimous  consent  could  not  be  ob¬ 
tained.  You  Senators  heard  the  cause  of  Egypt  presented  yester¬ 
day.  It  was  to  me  a  sad  spectacle  to  see  20  men,  magnificent  in  their 
manhood — for,  being  somewhat  undersized  myself,  I  look  with  ad¬ 
miration  upon  a  6- footer — treated  in  such  fashion  by  the  Paris  con¬ 
ference.  Of  those  20  magnificent  specimens  of  Egyptian  manhood 
the  chairman  alone  did  not  speak  English.  All  of  the  others  spoke 
many  tongues,  and  it  is  curious  that  at  least  two  of  them,  and  I  think 
perhaps  three,  spoke  Gaelic,  although  neither  Mr.  Walsh,  Mr.  Dunne, 
nor  Mr.  Pyan  speak  a  word  of  Gaelic.  These  men  have  been  students 
at  various  universities,  and  those  of  whom  I  speak  specifically  had 
studied  medicine  in  Dublin.  They  were  at  Paris,  gentlemen,  able 
men,  asking  for  a  hearing,  and  a  hearing  was  denied  them. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Do  I  understand  you  to  say  that  you  were 
informed  by  the  President  that  no  hearings  could  be  had  of  the 
smaller  nations  except  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  Big  Four? 

Mr.  Ryan.  I  was  not  present,  but  I  read  the  interview,  which  you 
have  given  permission  to  print,  and  that  statement  there  appears. 

Senator  Brandegee.  What  I  want  to  get  at  is  this:  Does  this 
interview  show  whether  the  President  stated  whether  he  had  made 
the  request  for  unanimous  consent  that  hearings  be  accorded  them? 

Mr.  RyaNj  I  do  not  think  so.  I  do  not  think  he  had  made  that 
request.  In  fact,  I  think  you  can  see  that  from  Mr.  Lansing’s  letter, 
and  upon  the  receipt  of  that  letter  I  came  to  this  country,  believing 
that  our  hope  lay  more  in  America  than  in  Paris.  He  writes - 

Senator  Brandegee.  Who  writes? 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


857 


Mr.  Ryan.  Robert  Lansing.  This  is  a  letter  addressed  to  Hon. 
Frank  P.  Walsh,  and  it  appears  on  page  10  of  the  pamphlet  to 
which  I  have  heretofore  referred.  We  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
President  on  May  22,  1919,  asking  that  the  communication  which  we 
inclosed  be  transmitted  to  Monsieur  Clemenceau,  president  of  the 
peace  conference,  which  letter  will  be  found  on  page  8  of  the 
pamphlet  heretofore  referred  to.  I  wish  now  to  read  the  reply  to 
that  letter  which  is  signed  by  Robert  Lansing,  and  which  appears, 
as  1  say,  on  page  10  of  the  pamphlet  heretofore  referred  to.  The 
letter  is  as  follows: 


American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace, 

Hotel  de  Crillon,  Paris ,  May  2 4,  1919. 

Sir:  I  have  received  the  letter  which  you  and  Messrs.  Dunne  and  Ryan 
addressed  to  me  on  May  1G  regarding  the  issuing  of  safe  conducts  by  the 
British  Government  to  Eamon  de  Valera,  Arthur  Griffith,  and  George  Noble 
Count  Plunkett,  in  order  that  they  may  proceed  from  Ireland  to  France  and 
return,  and  I  immediately  took  steps  to  acquaint  myself  with  the  facts  of  the 
case,  which  transpired  before  the  matter  was  brought  to  my  attention  by  your 
above-mentioned  letter. 

I  am  informed  that  when  the  question  of  approaching  the  British  authorities 
with  a  view  to  procuring  the  safe  conducts  in  question  was  first  considered, 
every  effort  was  made  in  an  informal  v/ay  to  bring  you  into  friendly  touch  with 
the  British  representatives  here,  although  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  case  it  was 
not  possible  to  treat  the  matter  officially.  The  British  authorities  having  con¬ 
sented  that  you  and  your  colleagues  should  visit  England  and  Ireland  although 
your  passports  were  only  good  for  France,  every  facility  wTas  given  to  you  to 
make  the  journey.  Before  your  return  to  Paris,  however,  reports  were  received 
of  certain  utterances  made  by  you  and  your  colleagues  during  your  visit  to 
Ireland.  These  utterances,  whatever  they  may  have  been,  gave,  as  I  am  in¬ 
formed,  the  deepest  offense  to  those  persons  with  whom  you  were  seeking  to 
deal  and  consequently  it  seemed  useless  to  make  any  further  effort  in  connec¬ 
tion  with  the  request  which  you  desired  to  make.  In  view  of  the  situation 
thus  created,  I  regret  to  inform  you  that  the  American  representatives  feel  that 
any  further  efforts  on  their  part  connected  with  this  matter  would  be  futile  and 
therefore  unwise. 

I  am,  sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 


Robert  Lansing. 


In  this  correspondence  you  will  find  that  my  colleagues  challenge 
the  point  that  we  had  given  utterance  to  any  thought  which  gave 
offense  to  anyone.  We  went  to  Ireland  at  the  request  of  the  repre¬ 
sentatives  of  the  Irish  people  and  with  the  consent  of  Mr.  Lloyd- 
George.  Our  passports  were  amended,  mine  and  Mr.  Walsh’s,  upon 
the  application  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Gov.  Dunne 
had  the  additional  distinction,  appearing  in  the  record,  of  his  pass¬ 
port  having  been  amended  upon  the  application  of  the  President  and 
Mr.  Lloyd-George.  Why  this  signal  honor  was  given  to  him  I  do 
not  know.  Probably  the  typewriter  slipped  up  on  the  other  two. 

Senator  Knox.  Amended  in  what  respect? 

Mr.  Ryan.  In  this  respect.  We  made  application  when  we  went 
to  Europe  for  France  alone,  for  Paris.  We  did  not  contemplate  a 
visit  to  Ireland.  When  we  reached  there  suggestions  wTere  made  to 
us  of  meetings  and  time  was  being  lost,  and  in  the  meantime  we  wTero 
invited  to  go  to  Ireland.  We  then  sought  to  have  our  passports 
changed,  and  they  were  changed  forthwith,  although  the  State  Office 
said  that  such  a  thing  had  never  happened,  that  it  would  take  at  least 
three  weeks  by  cable  to  effect  the  change.  Nevertheless,  they  were 
changed  within  an  hour  and  a  half  and  delivered  to  us;  changed  after 
that  message  had  been  received  from  the  State  Department.  We  did 


858 


TEE  AT  Y  OF  PEACE  WITH  GEKMAITY. 


go  to  Ireland,  and  we  saw  the  conditions  detailed  there.  We  visited 
all  parts  of  Ireland. 

At  the  request  of  the  representatives  of  Lloyd-George,  Gov.  Dunne 
and  I  visited  Belfast,  at  the  request  of  Sir  William  Wiseman,  the 
liaison  officer  between  the  two  Governments.  We  visited  all  parts 
of  Ireland,  and  the  conditions  portrtiyed  by  our  chairman  are  ex¬ 
actly  as  portrayed.  They  present  to  different  minds,  of  course,  dif¬ 
ferent  phases,  but  you  have  a  people  there  united  to  a  degree  un¬ 
paralleled  in  their  history.  I  have  been  connected  with  the  Irish 
movement  during  all  of  my  life.  There  has  never  been  such  unanim¬ 
ity  among  the  Irish  people,  and  there  has  never  been  such  a  unani¬ 
mous  desire  for  their  recognition  upon  the  part  of  the  people  of 
Irish  blood  in  the  United  States.  I  do  not  care  what  official 
place  men  may  hold,  through  whose  veins  flow  Irish  blood, 
when  they  seek  to  uphold  this  tyrannous  production,  then  I  say 
they  fly  in  the  face  of  the  desires  and  the  hopes  of  the  Irish  people. 
We  are  one  in  this  matter  as  never  before  in  our  history.  I  never  saw 
Ireland  until  I  saw  it  in  May  of  this  year.  They  are  a  wondrous 
people,  a  kindly  people,  yearning,  yearning  for  betterment.  By 
every  test  that  the  President  meted  out,  they  have  met  the  require¬ 
ments.  Under  the  forms  of  British  law,  79  representatives  are 
hostile  to  English  rule  out  of  an  elected  101.  Seventy-nine  out  of  one 
hundred  and  one.  Seventy-three  of  those  seventy-nine  were  elected 
as  ultrarepublicans,  saying  they  would  not  sit  in  the  British  House 
of  Commons  if  chosen,  and  upon  that  platform  they  were  chosen. 
There  was  division  among  the  people,  because  large  masses  of 
them  who  are  what  are  called  nationalists  still  believed  there  was  no 
hope  for  a  republic.  Therefore  they  didived  their  vote.  Men  there 
say  that  upon  a  plebescite,  the  nation,  four  to  one  at  least,  would  vote 
for  an  Irish  republic.  All  Provinces  in  Ireland  are  as  one.  For  30 
vears,  may  I  call  to  the  attention  of  Senators,  every  one  of  the  four 
^Provinces  in  Ireland  has  been  a  nationalist  Province. 

For  30  years  17  out  of  the  33  representatives  from  Ulster  have 
been  Nationalists.  When  men  speak  of  this  Ulster  question  and  say 
that  it  indicates  hostility  to  the  aspirations  of  the  rest  of  Ireland, 
they  speak  in  ignorance  of  the  history  of  Ulster.  The  best  blood  of 
Ulster,  the  people  of  Ulster,  have  been  the  radical  revolutionists 
of  Ireland.  The  united  Irishmen  who  first  proclaimed  and  sought 
the  establishment  of  a  republic — that  movement  was  originated  by 
the  Ulster  men,  not  Catholics,  in  1792.  The  greatest  name  in  Irish 
history,  the  one  most  loved,  the  one  to  whom  the  hearts  of  the 
people  go  out  in  greatest  enthusiasm,  was  the  founder  of  that  organi¬ 
zation,  Theobald  Wolfe  Tone,  the  man  who  died  in  the  rebellion  of 
1798  with  the  Ulster  Protestants.  And  need  I  say  to  you  that 
Robert  Emmet  was  also  a  Protestant,  though  not  an  Ulster  man. 
Those  of  you  who  walk  along  lower  Broadway  in  New  York  City 
wTill  see  as  you  come  up  to  Cortland  street,  at  St.  Paul’s  Church,  two 
great  monuments,  higher  than  from  floor  to  ceiling  of  this  room, 
one  telling  of  the  life  of  the  brother  of  Robert  Emmet,  the  brother 
who,  fleeing  from  imprisonment,  sought  refuge  in  New  York  and 
became  its  attorney  general  and  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  American 
bar. 

The  other  is  a  monument  of  like  character  to  Dr.  McNevin,  who 
rose  to  the  head  of  American  physicians  in  the  early  days  of  the 


TREATY  OF  FEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


859 


nineteenth  century.  These  men  are  t}7pical  of  the  long  roll  of 
Ulster  men  who  fought  and  died  for  Ireland.  Why,  Senator  Knox, 
your  Pittsburgh  district  is  filled  with  the  names  of  the  Pattons  and 
men  of  that  character  whose  ancestors  died  in  Ireland  battling 
against  British  tyranny.  They  gave  to  Pennsylvania  so  many  of  its 
names,  Coleraine,  Donegal,  Tyrone,  and  Dungannon,  all  resplendent 
in  its  history.  Those  men  brought  these  old  names  to  their  new 
homes,  and  they  helped  to  make  that  great  American  Commonwealth. 
They  reached  out  away  beyond  the  Alleghenies,  and  they  peopled  the 
West,  and  I  doubt  not  the  ancestors  of  many  of  you  were  of  that 
glorious  strain.  There  is  no  religious  question  in  this  Irish  move¬ 
ment.  Excepting  O’Connell  and  Redmond,  in  the  whole  long  lino 
of  Ireland’s  history,  when  we  call  the  roll  of  her  mighty  men,  there 
were  only  two  or  three  Catholics.  I  mean  in  the  last  150  years.  Moli- 
neaux  and  Swift  and  Wood  and  Grattan  and  Emmet,  and  Thomas 
Davis,  the  National  poet,  Archibald  Hamilton,  Rowan  and  Curran, 
and  John  Mitchell  and  Parnell  in  our  own  day.  The  men  who  make 
up  this  splendid  body  of  idealists,  even  though  their  writs  run  to  no 
foot  of  land,  these  men  have  been  animated  by  a  holy  hope  for  liberty. 
All  three  of  us  who  went  to  Paris — Dunne,  Ryan,  and  Walsh — were 
born  in  this  country.  All  our  interests  are  here.  The  dust  of  our 
fathers  and  the  bones  of  our  children  are  alike  buried  in  America. 
We  love  America  above  all  other  nations;  three  of  my  household 
went  into  this  war. 

One  of  my  kin  is  dead  at  Chateau-Thierry.  I  looked  for  his  grave 
over  there.  The  French  Government  conducted  me  and  Gov.  Dunne 
to  find  that  grave.  Our  kin  entered  this  war  believing  that  the 
United  States  meant  what  it  said,  that  the  right  of  self-determination 
should  be  given  to  all  peoples,  and  the  Irish,  no  matter  what  their 
feelings  were  that  no  war  should  have  been  declared,  when  this  Con¬ 
gress  spoke  they  rallied  to  a  man ;  they  poured  forth  their  blood  and 
their  treasure,  whether  from  Massachusetts  or  Missouri  or  Pennsyl¬ 
vania  or  California.  Wherever  it  might  be,  the  Irish  rallied  to  the 
cause  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes ;  and  I  beg  of  you  Senators  to  exercise 
your  rights  and  keep  the  pledged  faith  of  America.  Keep  troth  to  the 
living  and  to  the  dead,  and  save  this  Nation  and  save  our  sons  from 
engaging  in  wars  to  which  neither  the  conscience  nor  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  shall  give  its  assent,  by  defeating  this  treaty. 
[Applause.] 

Those  men  brought  these  old  names  to  their  new  homes,  and  they 
helped  to  make  that  great  American  Commonwealth.  They  reached 
out  away  beyond  the  Alleghenies,  and  they  peopled  the  West,  and 
I  doubt  not  the  ancestors  of  many  of  you  were  of  that  glorious 
strain.  There  is  no  religious  issue  in  this  Irish  movement.  Except¬ 
ing  O’Connell  and  Redmond,  in  the  whole  long  line  of  Ireland’3 
history,  when  we  call  the  roll  of  leaders  of  her  mighty  men,  there 
were  few  Catholics — I  mean  in  the  last  150  years.  Molineaux  and 
Swift,  and  Grattan  and  Emmet,  and  Archibald  Hamilton  Rowan, 
and  Curran  and  John  Mitchell,  and  Thomas  Davis,  the  national 
poet,  and  Parnell  in  our  own  day,  were  all  Protestants.  Regardless 
of  religion,  regardless  of  creed,  they  were  types  and  forerunners  of 
the  splendid  body  of  idealists,  the  men  who,  assembled  in  Dublin 
to-day,  speaking  tor  Ireland,  even  though  their  writs  run  to  no  foot 
of  land,  are  animated  by  the  same  centuries  old  holy  hope  for  liberty. 


8G0 


TREATY  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERM  AH  Y. 


All  three  of  11s  who  went  to  Paris— Dunne,  Ryan,  and  Walsh — 
were  horn  in  this  country.  All  our  interests  are  here.  The  dust  of 
our  fathers  and  the  bones  of  our  children  are  alike  buried  in  America. 
We  love  America  above  all  other  nations.  Three  of  my  household 
went  into  this  war.  One  of  my  kin  is  dead  at  Chateau-Thierry.  I 
looked  for  his  grave  over  there.  The  French  Government  conducted 
me  and  Gov.  Dunne  to  find  that  grave.  Our  kin  entered  this  war 
believing  that  the  United  States  meant  what  it  said,  that  the  right 
of  self-determination  should  be  given  to  all  peoples,  and  the  Irish, 
no  matter  what  their  feelings  were  that  no  war  should  have  been 
declared,  when  this  Congress  spoke  they  rallied  to  a  man;  they 
poured  forth  their  blood  and  their  treasure,  whether  from  Massa¬ 
chusetts  or  Missouri  or  Pennsylvania  or  California.  Wherever  it 
might  be,  the  Irish  rallied  to  the  cause  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes;  and 
I  beg  of  you  Senators  to  exercise  your  rights  and  keep  the  pledged 
faith  of  America.  Keep  troth  to  the  living  and  to  the  dead,  and 
save  this  Nation  and  save  our  sons  from  engaging  in  wars  to  which 
neither  the  conscience  nor  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall 
give  its  assent,  by  defeating  this  treaty. 

Judge  Cohalan.  I  have  the  pleasure  of  introducing  Gov.  Dunne, 
the  third  member  of  the  commission  that  went  to  Paris,  former  gov¬ 
ernor  of  Illinois,  former  mayor  of  the  city  of  Chicago. 

STATEMENT  OE  HON.  EDWARD  F.  DUNNE. 

Mr.  Dunne.  Senator  Lodge  and  fellow  Senators,  I  with  my  col¬ 
leagues  appreciate  the  great  courtesy  extended  to  ourselves  and  to 
those  who  will  address  you  after  I  have  concluded  my  brief  state¬ 
ment,  and  I  will  not  unduly  trespass  upon  your  most  valuable  time. 

Permit  me  briefly  to  corroborate  in  general  the  statements  made 
so  eloquently,  so  forcefully,  and  so  truthfully  by  Mr.  Walsh  and  by 
Mr.  Ryan.  Let  me  tell  you  gentlemen  why  we  went  to  Paris.  We 
had  read,  as  every  American  citizen  has  read,  the  aims  and  objects 
of  the  American  Nation  as  expressed  by  its  Chief  Executive  in  enter¬ 
ing  this  'World  War.  We  believe  that  the  aims  and  objects  so  lucidly, 
so  clearly,  so  forcefully  stated  by  the  President  of  the  United  States 
would,  when  that  war  was  consummated,  be  carried  out  at  the  confer¬ 
ence  in  Paris. 

We,  with  millions  of  our  fellow  citizens  in  this  country,  expected 
that  the  Irish  nation  would  not  be  made  an  exception  among  the 
weaker  nations  of  the  earth.  We  waited  with  patience  and  with  con¬ 
fidence  that  at  the  conference  in  Paris  the  representatives  selected 
by  the  American  people  would  embody  in  the  terms  of  the  peace  that 
was  to  be  consummated  there  the  aims  and  objects  of  the  American 
people  as  expressed  by  its  President.  We  waited  until  the  1st  of 
February.  We  knew  that  in  Paris  the  envoys  of  the  Irish  nation 
were  knocking  at  the  doors  of  the  conference  and  asking  a  safe  con¬ 
duct  for  the  duly  elected  representatives  of  the  Irish  people  to  Paris, 
so  that  they  could  present  to  this  conference  the  claims  of  the  Irish 
people  to  nationhood.  So  far  as  the  papers  of  America  were  con¬ 
cerned,  and  so  far  as  the  papers  of  the  world  were  concerned,  the 
name  of  Ireland  was  not  mentioned  at  that  conference.  We  are  citi¬ 
zens  of  America,  who  were  born  here,  who  love  and  admire  this  coun¬ 
try  and  believe  in  keeping  its  faith;  we  happen  to  have  Irish  blood 


TREATY  OF  FEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


861 


in  our  veins,  but  all  three  of  us,  like  Mr.  Walsh,  were  born  here,  and 
we  all  feel  alike  about  this  country.  Like  Mr.  Walsh,  I  was  not 
identified  in  any  way  with  Irish  societies.  For  years  and  years  be¬ 
fore  I  was  honored  by  that  great  convention  with  the  appointment  as 
one  of  its  commissioners,  I  had  devoted  all  my  life  to  American  citi¬ 
zenship  solely,  and  had  been  honored  by  my  fellow  citizens  as  an 
American  citizen.  I  love  this  country  above  all  countries,  as  they  do, 
and  we  would  sink  Ireland  and  every  other  country  into  the  deep 
rather  than  sacrifice  the  interests  of  this  country. 

We  met  at  that  convention.  I  think  it  was  the  most  extraordinary 
convention  I  ever  attended.  Over  5,000  people  who  felt  as  we  did 
gathered  from  every  State  and  Territory  in  the  United  States,  and 
under  the  guidance  and  inspiration  of  that  convention  a  committee  of 
25  were  appointed  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  the  Irish  people  be¬ 
fore  the  American  commission  in  Paris  to  obtain  a  hearing,  and  the 
right  of  Ireland,  as  determined  by  an  election  held  in  December, 
three  months  after  the  armistice  was  signed,  under  ail  the  forms  and 
securities  of  British  law,  in  which  it  was  determined  by  three- 
quarters  of  the  Irish  people,  in  round  numbers,  that  an  Irish  republic 
was  bom,  and  a  declaration  of  independence  was  issued  such  as  the 
American  people  issued  in  1776. 

That  committee  of  25  honored  Mr.  Walsh,  Mr.  Ryan,  and  myself, 
asking  us  to  become  a  commission  of  three  to  go  to  Paris,  to  appeal 
for  what  and  to  whom?  To  appeal  to  the  representatives  of  the 
American  Nation  in  Paris  for  the  right  of  the  Irish  people  to  be 
heard  in  Paris  along  the  lines  enunciated  by  the  President  when  he 
advised  the  American  people  to  enter  this  world-wide  war.  Before 
we  left  Washington  Mr.  Walsh,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State, 
told  the  Secretary  of  State  the  object  of  our  mission.  It  was  avow¬ 
edly  political.  It  was  avowedly  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  us  to 
obtain  a  hearing  for  the  Irish  nation  before  the  world  peace  confer¬ 
ence.  That  letter  is  on  file  with  the  Secretary  of  State.  After  some 
delay  passports  were  issued.  I  believe  there  was  a  protest  from  the 
British  Government  which  delayed  us  48  hours,  but  the  Secretary  of 
State  granted  the  passports  upon  that  letter. 

The  Secretary  of  State  and  the  whole  world  knew,  through  the 
newspapers,  the  object  of  our  mission,  which  was  avowedly  political. 

We  arrived  at  Paris.  We  were  careful  from  the  start  to  place  the 
objects  of  our  mission  in  writing  and  address  it  to  the  President  first. 
The  letter  was  addressed  to  the  President  and  we  were  accorded  a 
long  interview,  and  I  think  I  can  characterize  it  as  an  unofficially 
sympathetic  interview.  The  President  referred  us  to  Col.  House. 
We  had  several  interviews  with  Col.  House,  who  treated  us  with 
extreme  courtesy  and  acted  with  extreme  diligence,  but  also  unoffi¬ 
cially. 

I  think  Mr.  Walsh  interviewed  every  member  of  the  American 
delegation.  I  personally  interviewed  every  member  but  one,  Secre¬ 
tary  Lansing.  We  pointed  out  that  we  came  as  American  citizens 
to  address  five  American  citizens  in  their  official  capacity  as  the 
representatives  of  the  great  American  Republic,  and  all  that  w^o 
asked  of  the  official  representatives  of  the  American  Republic  was 
to  use  their  good  offices  officially  to  obtain  for  the  duly  elected  repre¬ 
sentatives  of  the  Irish  people,  elected  under  all  the  securities  of 
British  law,  the  right  to  plead  their  case  before  the  tribunal  in  Paris, 


862 


TREATY  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


That  was  the  sole  object  of  our  mission.  Col.  House  acted  with 
extreme  diligence  and  courtesy,  as  my  colleagues  have  told  you.  I 
think  he  interviewed  Lloyd-George  on  the  subject,  and  gave  us  to 
understand  that  he  believed  we  were  going  to  get  for  them  that  safe 
conduct. 

The  Chairman.  Unofficially? 

Mr.  Dunne.  Unofficially,  but  told  us  that  Lloyd-George — I  sup¬ 
pose  also  unofficially — desired  to  meet  the  members  of  the  delegation, 
and  we  believed  that  our  cause  was  so  impregnably  just  from  the 
standpoint  of  American  citizens  that  we  could  afford  to  meet  and 
argue  with  Lloyd-George  the  justice  of  the  Irish  demand,  and  we 
consented  to  meet  him  at  any  day  he  might  designate,  and  a  day 
was  designated  to  meet  him.  On  the  day  designated  it  turned  out, 
and  I  think  truthfully,  that  owing  to  the  exigencies  of  the  situation 
in  the  preparation  of  the  final  draft  of  the  peace  conference  and  its 
presentation  to  the  German  representatives,  Lloyd-George  was  un¬ 
able  to  keep  the  appointment  for  the  interview  with  us,  and  we  were 
courteously  so  informed  in  the  presence  of  Col.  House,  by  Sir  Wil¬ 
liam  Wiseman.  It  was  then  suggested,  I  do  not  know  by  whom, 
that  as  the  safe  conduct  was  not  to  be  given  promptly,  and  as  the 
delegates  of  the  Irish  people  were  in  Ireland  and  we  were  in  Paris,  it 
was  impossible  for  us  to  confer  with  them,  if  they  could  not  come 
to  Paris,  unless  we  could  go  to  Ireland. 

Thereupon,  by  prompt  cooperation  between  the  American  officials, 
French  officials,  and  British  officials,  we  were  given  passports  the 
next  day  wdiich  stated  upon  their  face  that  our  mission  was  diplomatic, 
and  that  we  were  going  upon  an  unofficial  political  mission,  and  we 
avowedly  stated  that  our  desire  was  to  communicate  with  the  repre¬ 
sentatives  of  the  Irish  people  and  to  become  acquainted  at  first-hand 
with  the  situation  in  Ireland.  There  was  no  disguise  about  the  object 
of  our  visit,  and  no  restrictions  or  limitations  of  any  character  were 
imposed  upon  us  either  by  the  British  premier  or  by  the  French  au¬ 
thorities  or  by  the  American  authorities,  and  we  went  to  Ireland. 
And  this  is  what  we  found  there  in  Ireland,  a  component  part  of  the 
British  Empire,  that  the  people  of  Ireland  were  without  any  of  the 
British  constitutional  securities  which  are  thrown  around  the  citizens 
of  those  Islands.  We  found  that  the  habeas  corpus  was  practically 
suspended,  because  o^  the  restrictions  thrown  around  it  by  the  rulings 
of  British  courts,  which  made  it  an  idle  formality.  We  found  the 
right  of  trial  by  jury  suspended.  Any  man  charged  with  political 
crime  in  Ireland  could  be  tired  only  before  a  British  court-martial, 
military  authorities,  or  before  a  removable  magistrate  without  a  jury, 
these  removable  magistrates  being  appointed  by  the  crown,  many  of 
them  from  the  police  force,  sent  from  Dublin  and  different  districts 
in  Ireland,  removable  overnight,  earning  salaries  of  $4,000  a  year 
and  amenable  to  the  recall  of  the  Government  at  any  time. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Is  there  any  appeal  from  the  decisions  of  those 
military  magistrates? 

Mr.  Dunne.  None  that  I  know  of.  Men  were  arrested  without 
warrant.  We  found  that  houses  were  searched  without  warrant, 
and  men  when  arrested  were  imprisoned  in  British  jails  or  deported 
to  English  jails,  and  not  informed  what  charges  were  made  against 
them. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


863 


Senator  Brandegee.  The  previous  speaker,  Mr.  Walsh,  spoke  of 
men  being  taken  prisoners  in  this  fight  between  the  populace  ancl  the 
British  constabulary.  What  sort  of  a  trial  did  they  get  ? 

Mr.  Dunne.  My  information  is  that  they  got  a  trial  before  a  court- 
martial  or  a  removable  magistrate.  If  a  man  in  Ireland  makes  a 
speech  in  which  he  advocates  the  republic  he  is  immediately  brought 
up.  If  he  advocates  or  argues  in  favor  of  the  recognition  of  the 
Irish  republic,  they  take  that  man  up  before  a  court-martial  or  before 
a  removable  magistrate,  who  is  paid  $4,000  a  year. 

Senator  Brandegee.  Under  the  British  law  it  is  a  crime  to  advocate 
that,  is  it  not? 

Mr.  Dunne.  Yes;  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  75  per  cent  of  the 
people  have  gone  to  the  polls  openly  and  voted  for  that.  We  found 
that  men’s  houses  are  searched  without  warrant;  that  men,  women, 
and  children  are  arrested  without  warrant  and  confined  at  the  pleas¬ 
ure  of  the  Government,  either  in  an  Irish  jail  or  deported  to  an  Eng¬ 
lish  jail.  A  boy,  11  years  of  age,  was  arrested  there  and  kept  in  jail 
for  two  months.  No  one  knew  where  he  was.  Finally  he  was  re¬ 
leased  when  there  was  a  threat  of  an  investigation.  That  is  the  sit¬ 
uation  we  found  in  Ireland. 

The  leaders  of  the  Irish  people,  the  men  who  were  elected  by  their 
constituents  to  the  British  Parliament,  refused  to  attend  the  British 
Parliament  and  organized  the  Irish  Parliament — the  Dail  Eireann; 
many  of  them  were  in  jail,  not  being  able  to  attend  the  meetings  or 
the  Parliament,  with  the  result,  of  course,  that  the  sentiment  of  the 
people  being  so  overwhelmingly  with  them  that  when  they  get  them 
in  jail  they  can  not  keep  them  there.  Robert  Barton,  owner  of  a 
landed  estate,  1,200  acres  of  the  most  beautiful  country  ever  seen, 
with  a  manorial  residence,  an  officer  of  the  British  Government,  was 
compelled  by  the  British  authorities  to  take  charge  of  Irish  prison¬ 
ers  and  saw  such  indecencies  committed  that  he  resigned  his  office 
as  a  protest,  becoming  a  Republican,  and  was  elected  to  the  Dail 
Eireann.  He  made  a  speech  during  the  campaign.  He  was  ar¬ 
rested  and  placed  in  Mount jo}^,  remained  there  a  couple  of  weeks, 
and  then  managed  to  saw  a  bar,  left  a  very  polite  and  humorous 
note  addressed  to  the  governor  of  the  jail,  saying  that  he  did  not  like 
his  bill  of  fare  or  his  sleeping  accommodations,  and  would  the  gov¬ 
ernor  of  the  jail  be  kind  enough  to  send  his  clothes  to  the  address 
given  in  Dublin.  He  was  a  man  of  such  prominence  and  his  case 
excited  so  much  interest  that  an  official  investigation  was  ordered, 
and  while  the  investigation  was  going  on  in  the  jail  the  deputy  war¬ 
den  rushed  in  and  said,  “  My  God,  there  are  23  more  of  those  fellows 
gone  over  the  wall.”  That  is  the  situation  in  Ireland. 

Let  me  tell  you  of  two  little  incidents  that  I  witnessed  with  my 
own  eyes.  Three  of  four  hundred  soldiers  under  the  command  of 
British  officers  surrounded  the  Mansion  House  in  Dublin,  and  three 
or  four  hundred  policemen  under  official  direction  surrounded  the 
Mansion  House  at  half  past  5  in  the  afternoon,  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  preventing  the  Lord  Mayor  of  Dublin  from  extending  an  official 
reception  to  the  delegates  from  America.  While  we  were  attempt¬ 
ing  to  get  in,  some  guns  were  fired.  There  were  a  crowd  of  20,000 
or  30,000  people  around  the  house,  brought  there  by  the  mere  fact 
that  the  military,  with  armored  guns,  were  around  the  Mansion 
House.  People  were  laughing  at  them  and  guying  that  ridiculous 


864 


TREATY  OF  F  ACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


display  of  military  force  made  for  the  sole  purpose  of  preventing 
a  social  function  tendered  by  the  chief  executive  of  the  great  city  of 
Dublin  to  the  three  gentlemen  who  had  come  there  from  America. 

A  few  hours  before  that  the  bedroom  of  the  chief  lady  of  Ireland 
was  desecrated  by  the  police,  seeking  as  they  claimed^  some  es¬ 
caped  prisoners.  That  is  the  situation  which  we  found  in  Ireland. 

Now,  it  is  my  judgment  that  if  this  treaty  be  confirmed  by  this 
body — and  you  are  charged  with  the  responsibility  of  approving 
or  disregarding  this  treaty — if  section  11  be  approved  you  gentle¬ 
men  will  be  acting  as  partners  in  the  enforcement  of  that  kind  of 
law  upon  an  unwilling  people.  We  ask  you  to  reject  this  treaty 
as  American  citizens,  not  because  we  are  Irishmen,  but  because  the 
Government  over  there  as  it  now  exists  is  an  outrage  upon  consti¬ 
tutional  government,  because  there  is  a  situation  to-day  that  rivals, 
if  it  does  not  exceed,  the  situation  that  prevailed  years  ago  under 
the  most  tyrannical  conditions  of  that  time. 

The  Chairman.  The  committee  will  take  a  recess  now  until  2 
o’clock.  We  will  hear  the  Greeks  from  2  to  3,  and  then  we  will 
resume  this  hearing. 

(Whereupon,  at  1  p.  m.  a  recess  was  taken  until  2  p.  m.) 


AFTER  RECESS. 


The  committee  reconvened  pursuant  to  the  taking  of  the  recess, 
at  2  o’clock  p.  m.,  Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  presiding. 

The  Chairman.  I  have  here  a  protest  against  the  views  expressed 
in  the  morning  session,  signed  by  David  W.  Irvine,  Henry  Stewart, 
John  Kennedy,  Lieut.  Lewis  H.  Shaw,  Albert  E.  Kelley,  William 
II.  Cheney,  and  William  Balfour.  I  told  these  gentlemen  that  we 
could  not  give  them  a  hearing  to-day,  but  I  would  give  them  a  hear¬ 
ing  next  week.  The  gentleman  who  represented  them  said  he  de¬ 
sired  to  file  this  brief  and  have  it  published  in  our  hearings. 

Senator  Knox.  It  is  a  brief  against  what  ? 

The  Chairman.  It  is  in  opposition  to  what  has  been  said  here  this 
morning.  It  will  be  printed  at  the  conclusion  of  this  hearing. 

Senator  Knox.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  see  no  objection  to  including 
within  our  hearings  everything  that  we  hear,  but  does  the  chairman 
think  that  we  ought  to  open  the  door  for  people  to  file  briefs? 

The  Chairman.  That  authority  was  given  when  we  started  the 
hearings — that  they  would  have  a  right  to  file  briefs. 

Senator  Knox.  The  first  thing  we  know  they  will  be  filing  books 
after  a  while.  I  think  anyone  who  has  anything  to  say  ought  to 
heard. 

The  Chairman.  This  relates  to  the  hearing  which  we  granted 
this  morning.  The  other  side  has  requested  to  be  heard  in  this 
way. 

Senator  Knox.  I  think  we  ought  to  hear  them,  if  they  are  here. 

The  Chairman.  We  could  not  hear  them  to-day,  and  I  thought 
it  would  save  the  time  of  the  committee  to  permit  them  to  put  in  a 
brief.  We  have  done  that  on  several  occasions. 

Senator  New.  The  brief  is  in  lieu  of  a  hearing? 

The  Chairman.  In  lieu  of  a  hearing;  yes. 

Senator  Knox.  I  do  not  want  to  insist,  but  it  does  seem  to  me 
that  if  they  have  anything  to  say  that  is  worth  hearing,  we  would 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


865 


better  hear  them  rather  than  give  them  an  indefinite  right  to  print, 
because  that  is  what  it  amounts  to. 

The  Chairman.  I  think  we  can  control  the  right  to  print. 

Senator  Knox.  Perhaps  we  can. 

(The  brief  referred  to  will  be  found  at  the  conclusion  of  to-day's 
proceedings.) 

The  Chairman.  Judge  Colialan.  I  will  ask  you  to  present  your 
next  speaker. 

Judge  Cohalan.  Gentlemen,  I  have  the  pleasure  now  of  present¬ 
ing  to  you  Lieut.  Gov.  W.  W.  McDowell,  of  Montana. 

STATEMENT  OF  IION.  W.  W.  McBOWELL,  LIEUTENANT  GOVERNOR 

OF  MONTANA. 

Mr.  McDowell.  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen,  when  I  came  to 
Washington  from  Montana  on  yesterday  morning  with  the  seven 
governors  who  were  appointed  to  attend  the  governors’  conference 
with,  the  President  and  the  Attorney  General,  I  did  not  know  I  was 
to  have  the  pleasure  and  the  honor  of  appearing  before  this  com¬ 
mittee. 

I  have  been  told  by  the  gentlemen  having  this  movement  in  charge 
that  I  am  expected  to  speak  only  a  few  minutes,  and  that  they  would 
like  to  have  me  refer  to  the  reception  given  to  President  cle  Valera, 
president  of  the  Irish  Pepublic,  when  he  came  to  Montana  recently. 
As  my  time  is  very  limited,  I  will  devote  it  to  that  angle  of  the 
matter,  as  tending  to  show  the  sentiment  of  the  people  on  the  ques¬ 
tion  now  being  considered  by  this  committee. 

I  will  state  that  as  lieutenant  governor  of  Montana  my  duty  is  to 
preside  over  the  State  senate,  and  as  such  presiding  officer  I  am 
familiar  with  the  action  taken  by  the  legislature  in  its  last  regular 
session  held  in  January  and  February  of  this  year,  and  also  the 
action  taken  at  the  special  session  held  a  few  weeks  ago. 

At  the  regular  session  of  the  legislature  last  winter  a  resolution 
was  unanimously  adopted,  there  being  no  dissenting  vote  in  either 
the  senate  or  the  house,  asking  the  Senate  and  House  of  Represen¬ 
tatives  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  to  use  their  best  en¬ 
deavors  to  bring  about  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Ire¬ 
land. 

Before  the  special  session  of  the  Legislature  of  Montana  met, 
President  de  Valera,  of  the  Irish  republic,  came  to  Montana.  1  live 
in  Butte,  and  as  I  was  then  acting  governor  it  became  my  pleasure 
to  welcome  President  de  Valera  to  Montana  and  to  extend  to  him  the 
freedom  of  the  State.  The  reception  which  he  received  there  was 
the  most  enthusiastic  and  the  most  spontaneous  reception  that  I  have 
ever  seen  since  I  have  lived  in  Montana  during  the  past  24  years. 
Our  little  town  has  a  population  of  only  about  65,000  people,  but  there 
were  at  least  10.000  people  at  the  depot  to  greet  President  de  Valera 
when  he  got  off  the  train.  It  was  almost  impossible  for  him  to  get 
through  the  crowd  to  get  into  the  automobile  which  was  waiting  for 
him  to  go  uptown.  I  had  the  pleasure  and  the  honor  of  riding  up¬ 
town  with  the  president,  and  I  noticed  that  there  were  more  re¬ 
turned  soldiers  in  uniform  escorting  that  automobile  uptown  than  I 
have  ever  seen  in  uniform  in  Butte  before  or  since  the  war  started. 


8G6 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


I  saw  a  great  many  horny-handed  sons  of  toil  break  through  the  line 
and  rush  up  to  the  automobile  to  shake  hands  with  the  president  of 
the  Irish  republic,  and  there  were  tears  in  their  eyes.  The  procession 
that  came  up  from  the  depot  with  him  was  at  least  a  mile  and  a  half 
long.  Every  musical  organization  that  we  could  get  together  in  the 
State  was  there,  and  the  sentiment  of  the  people  of  Butte  and  the 
people  of  Montana  is  undoubtedly  very  strong  in  favor  of  Irish  inde¬ 
pendence. 

At  the  special  session  of  the  legislature  the  matter  of  again  pass¬ 
ing  a  resolution  came  up  a  few  weeks  ago.  This  was  after  President 
de  Valera  had  been  invited  by  me  as  the  president  of  the  senate  to 
make  an  address  to  a  joint  session  of  the  legislature.  He  stayed  over 
several  days  so  as  to  make  this  address.  Some  little  opposition  de¬ 
veloped  among  some  people  in  the  legislature  against  inviting  him. 
However,  he  was  unanimously  invited  to  address  the  legislature, 
'which  he  did.  Pie  wras  then  introduced  to  the  crowd  that  could  not 
get  into  the  legislative  hall,  waiting  in  front  of  the  capitol,  and  he 
received  the  same  kind  of  an  ovation  in  Helena  at  two  or  three  meet¬ 
ings  that  he  had  received  in  Butte. 

Another  resolution  Tvas  introduced  in  the  special  session  of  the 
legislature  asking  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  and  Congress  to 
do  what  they  could  to  bring  about  recognition  of  the  Irish  republic, 
and  this  matter  was  fought  out  on  its  merits,  and  finally  passed  both 
the  house  and  the  senate  by  a  good  majority.  I  mention  this  to  show 
that,  in  my  opinion,  three- fourths  of  the  people  of  Montana  and 
of  the  States  around  Montana  are  thoroughly  and  heartily  in  sym¬ 
pathy  with  the  movement  for  the  freedom  of  Ireland. 

Senator  Knox.  May  I  ask  you  a  question  right  here  ?  It  was  rep¬ 
resented  to  us  this  morning  that  the  fate  of  the  Irish  republic  de¬ 
pends  upon  whether  or  not  we  reject  this  proposed  league  of  nations. 
Now;  you  say  the  sentiment  in  Montana  is  in  favor  of  an  Irish  re¬ 
public.  How  is  the  sentiment  there  on  the  question  of  the  league  of 
nations? 

Mr.  McDo'well.  I  believe  the  opinion  in  Montana  and  in  the  sur¬ 
rounding  States  is  one  of  decided  opposition  to  any  clause  in  any 
treaty  or  in  any  league  of  nations  that  will  in  any  wray  stand  in  the 
way  of  Ireland  securing  her  freedom. 

Senator  Knox.  Then  if  Mr.  Walsh  is  correct  in  his  statement  this 
morning  that  to  adopt  this  league  at  all  would  defeat  the  Irish  repub¬ 
lic,  your  judgment  is  that  the  sentiment  of  the  people  of  Montana 
would  be  against  the  whole  league? 

Mr.  McDowtell.  I  think  I  have  expressed  the  opinion  which  I  wish 
to  express  in  what  I  said  before. 

Senator  Knox.  All  right,  I  will  not  press  you  further. 

Senator  Fall.  Would  you  object  to  answering  this  question:  Is  it 
the  opinion  there  that  any  article  in  this  proposed  league  would  pos¬ 
sibly  affect  the  freedom  of  Ireland? 

Mr.  McDov7ell.  I  think  that  among  practically  all  of  the  Irish 
in  Montana  they  feel  that  it  would.  There  are  a  great  many  other 
people  in  Montana  and  in  the  adjoining  States  who  are  not  of  Irish 
blood,  who,  I  think,  are  in  hearty  sympathy  with  the  aspirations  of 
Ireland,  and  would  be  opposed  to  any  clause  in  any  treaty  that  would 
stand  in  the  way  of  Irish  freedom. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


867 


Senator  Johnson  of  California.  One  further  question:  Do  you 
think  guaranteeing  the  boundaries  of  the  British  Empire  will  affect 
the  question  concerning  which  you  are  speaking  here  and  the  ques¬ 
tion  that  we  have  before  us  to-day? 

Mr.  McDowell.  Senator,  I  have  answered  that  question  as  far  as 
I  am  prepared  to  answer  it. 

Senator  Johnson  of  California.  I  wanted  to  be  perfectly  fair  on 
the  proposition  and  perfectly  fair  as  to  the  position  that  you  gentle¬ 
men  take  in  respect  to  this  matter. 

Mr.  McDowell.  I  am  approaching  this  matter  from  a  somewhat 
different  angle  from  that  of  a  great  many  of  the  gentlemen  who 
have  spoken  here  this  morning  so  eloquently  on  this  matter.  I  am  a 
Protestant.  My  ancestors  came  to  this  country  250  years  ago,  and 
I  am  thoroughly  and  heartily  in  favor  of  Irish  freedom  and  in  help¬ 
ing  them  to  obtain  it.  I  think  the  great  majority  of  the  people  of 
Montana  and  the  surrounding  States  feel  the  same  way  about  it  re¬ 
gardless  of  whether  they  have  any  Irish  blood  or  not,  and  they  would 
be  opposed  to  any  clause  in  any  treaty  that  would  stand  in  the  way 
of  Ireland  securing  that  independence. 

Judge  Coiialan.  I  wish  next  to  present  Mr.  John  A.  Murphy,  of 
Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  the  fourth  member  of  the  American  Commission  on 
Irish  Independence,  who  has  recently  come  back  from  Paris. 

STATEMENT  OF  ME.  JOHN  ABCHDEACON  MURPHY. 

Mr.  Murphy.  Mr.  Chairman  and  Senators,  in  accordance  with  the 
request  of  the  committee  having  in  charge  the  American  Commission 
on  Irish  Independence,  I  left  on  the  21st  of  June  and  reached  Paris 
on  the  30th  of  June.  During  the  week  while  I  was  sailing  the  peace 
treaty  had  been  signed  and  the  President  and  the  presidential  party 
had  returned  to  America.  The  colleagues  with  whom  I  expected  to 
fall  in  in  the  carrying  on  of  the  work,  Messrs.  Walsh  and  Dunne, 
had  also  returned  from  Paris,  and  I  did  not  meet  them  in  France. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  for  a  while  the  situation  in  France,  as  a 
stranger  might  sense  it,  was  one  of  relaxation  after  the  strain  of 
the  peace  conference.  It  was  one  of  an  intense  amount  of  gossip  and 
whispers  and  reactions  from  the  results  of  the  peace  conference. 

During  the  most  of  the  time  I  was  there  I  was  busily  engaged  in 
presenting  the  case  of  Ireland  to  the  editors  of  the  French  papers 
and  in  endeavoring  to  obtain  a  presentation  of  it  before  Mr.  Clemen- 
ceau,  to  whom  it  was  stated  the  question  of  Ireland  was  referred  in 
his  capacity  as  president  of  the  peace  conference. 

After  being  in  Paris  for  about  two  or  three  weeks  I  became  ad¬ 
vised  that  before  the  President  and  Mr.  Lansing  left  France  they 
had  been  informed  by  Mr.  Clemenceau  in  his  capacity  as  president 
of  the  peace  conference  that  no  action  would  be  taken  upon  the 
question  of  Ireland.  That  was  material  news  and  in  my  judgment 
it  foreclosed  any  possibility  that  Ireland  may  have  or  might  expect 
to  have  of  prosecuting  her  cause  before  the  league  of  nations. 

On  June  22  I  wrote  a  letter  in  the  name  of  the  American  Commis¬ 
sion  on  Irish  Independence  to  Mr.  Clemenceau,  and  if  you  will  per¬ 
mit  me  I  will  read  the  letter,  or  if  you  desire  I  will  insert  it  in  the 
record.  It  is  on  page  65  of  the  brown  pamphlet. 

135549° — 19 - S 


868 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


The  Chairman.  The  letter  will  be  inserted  in  the  record. 

The  letter  is  as  follows: 

[Personal  and  urgent.] 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

Paris,  July  22,  1919. 

M.  Georges  Clemen ceau. 

President  of  the  Peace  Conference  and  Premier  of  France,  Paris. 

Monsier  le  President  :  We  are  in  receipt  of  ^information  from  sources  of  high 
authorities  that,  as  president  of  the  peace  conference,  you  have  notified  Ameri¬ 
can  peace  plenipotentiaries  that,  so  far  as  further  consideration  of  the  Irish 
question  is  concerned,  the  matter  is  one  in  which  you  will  take  no  action. 

We  understand  this  decision  covers : 

1.  That  the  resolution  of  the  American  Senate,  officially  forwarded  to  you 
by  the  American  Commission  to  Negotiate  Peace,  and  the  recommendations 
contained  therein  expressing  sympathetic  support  to  the  people  of  Ireland  in 
their  efforts  to  obtain  a  government  of  their  own  choice,  is,  by  this  action, 
denied  in  a  manner  suggestive  of  your  entire  disregard  of  American  public 

2.  That  the  peace  conference  further  ignores  the  request  of  the  Hon.  Messrs. 
Walsh  and  Dunne  for  the  appointment  of  an  international  tribunal  to  investi¬ 
gate  into  the  charges  of  barbarities  and  inhuman  conduct,  in  violation  of  the 
rules  of  civilized  warfare,  perpetrated  by  the  British  Government  through  its 
military  forces  in  occupation  of  Ireland,  and  upon  its  defenseless  people. 

The  knowledge  of  your  decision  in  these  matters  has  been  up  to  now  with¬ 
held  from  the  American  public.  The  results  of  the  publication  of  this  informa¬ 
tion  will  doubtless  have  very  material  weight  at  this  time  while  the  attention 
of  the  United  States  Senate  is  occupied  in  matters  of  international  importance, 
in  which  we  feel  France  has  a  material  interest.  Arrangements  have  already 
been  made  for  giving  widespread  publicity  in  America  to  this  decision  on  your 
part.  But  before  taking  this  step,  we  respectfully  suggest  that  an  audience 
may  be  granted  by  you  to  the  undersigned  to  present  the  importance  of  the 
situation,  particularly  in  its  relation  to  the  future  interests  of  France,  of 
America,  and  of  Great  Britain. 

There  are  20,000,000  citizens  of  Irish  blood  in  the  United  States,  and  the 
effect  of  this  information  when  published  there  needs  no  characterization  by 
us  to  indicate  how  grave  may  be  the  danger  to  the  continuance  of  those  same 
relations  of  amity  and  esteem  that  have  marked  the  friendships  existing  be¬ 
tween  the  French,  American,  and  Irish  peoples. 

Trusting  that  I  may  be  accorded  the  honor  of  this  audience  with  you  at 
your  earliest  possible  convenience,  and  with  assurances  of  high  esteem  and 
respect,  we  have  the  honor  to  remain, 

Sincerely,  yours, 

American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence, 

John  Archdeacon  Murphy,  Commissioner  in  Charge. 

Mr.  Muepiiy.  I  was  aware  that  the  information  I  bad  received 
had  not  been  made  public  in  America,  and  that  it  was  held  under  the 
the  veil  of  secrecy  from  publication  by  request  of  the  American 
opinion  as  rendered  in  the  deliberate  resolution  of  our  highest  legislative 
body. 

representatives.  After  the  letter  was  delivered  to  Mr.  Clemenceau, 
the  information  was  conveyed  back  to  me  in  circuitous  fashion  that 
if  I  were  to  make  public  the  information  that  I  had  outlined  in  that 
letter  to  Mr.  Clemenceau  it  would  not  be  wise  or  judicious,  while 
I  was  a  guest  in  Paris.  Therefore  I  refrained  from  making  it  pub¬ 
lic  until  I  returned  to  America;  but  it  was  known,  not  in  one  circle 
but  in  many,  that  there  was  an  effort  made  to  conceal  from  the 
American  people  and  from  the  American  Senate  this  action  on  the 
part  of  Clemenceau  until  they  bad,  as  it  was  hoped,  passed  favorably 
upon  and  ratified  the  league  of  nations. 

Senator  Brandegee.  You  speak  of  this  information  as  having  been 
conveyed  to  you  circuitously.  Do  you  know  from  whom  it  origi¬ 
nated  % 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY.  8G9 


Mr.  Murphy.  You  mean  the  information  that  it  should  not  be 
published  ? 

Senator  Brandegee.  Yes. 

Mr.  Murpiiy.  No;  I  can  not  say  that  of  my  own  knowledge,  except 
to  say  that  one  of  the  most  important  men  who  is  accredited  to  have 
the  ear  of  the  French  Government,  the  foreign  editor  of  Le  Temps, 
advised  an  associate  and  friend  of  mine,  Mr.  Erskine  Chillers,  a 
former  major  in  the  British  army,  a  man  who  has  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  Irish  Republic  in  a  wholehearted  and  unadulterated  manner, 
and  one  of  the  best  known  publicists  in  England.  The  foreign  edi¬ 
tor  of  Le  Temps  conveyed  this  information  to  him  and  I  have  rea¬ 
son  to  believe  that  that  was  an  inspired  message.  I  did  not  say  that 
that  was  a  message  brought  from  Mr.  Clcmenceau,  but  either  Mr. 
Clemcnceau  or  Mr.  Tardieu  were  the  only  two  who  had  knowledge  of 
it  unless  they  conveyed  that  knowledge  to  some  one  else. 

Senator  Brandegee.  What  I  wanted  to  know  was,  in  your  judg¬ 
ment,  did  that  information  represent  the  French  opinion,  or  did  it 
represent  the  desire  of  the  American  commission? 

Mr.  Murpiiy.  I  construed  it  as  representing  the  French  request, 
in  accordance  with  the  action  of  the  American  commission. 

Senator  Brandegee.  That  is  all  I  care  to  ask. 

Mr.  Murphy.  There  is  one  more  incident  that  I  would  like  to  pre¬ 
sent  to  you,  and  then  I  will  give  way  to  others.  I  .am  not  going  to 
occupy  your  time  with  the  delivery  of  any  argument  on  this  ques¬ 
tion.  There  is  a  short  presentation  of  one  phase  of  the  question  that, 
with  your  permission,  I  will  ask  to  insert  in  the  record  later. 

At  or  about  this  time,  by  reason  of  family  connections  and  business 
interests,  I  desired  to  visit  England  and  Ireland.  I  made  my  re¬ 
quest  before  Consul  Reed  in  the  ordinary  manner,  for  an  amendment 
to  my  passport.  My  passport  did  not  give  me  permission  to  proceed 
anywhere  except  to  France,  as  it  stated,  to  attend  the  peace  confer¬ 
ence  in  the  interest  of  self-government  for  Ireland.  I  was  told  my 
request  would  have  to  be  sent  to  Washington.  After  waiting  two 
weeks  on  the  pleasure  of  Washington,  as  they  explained  to  me,l  had 
ealled  three  or  four  times  to  ascertain  if  there  was  any  reply  to  my 
request  to  amend  my  passport,  and  on  August  8  I  received  the  fol¬ 
lowing  letter: 


John  A.  Murphy,  Esq., 

Grand  Hotel ,  Paris. 


United  States  Passport  Bureau, 

Paris ,  August  S,  1910. 


Sir  :  Referring  to  your  recent  call  at  the  passport  bureau,  you  are  Informed 
that  a  telegram  has  been  received  from  Washington  Instructing  the  bureau  to 
refuse  to  amend  your  passport  for  Ireland. 

There  is  inclosed  herewith  the  amount  of  0.80  franc  in  stamps,  which  repre¬ 
sents  the  balance  due  you  after  the  cable  charges  have  been  deducted  from 
the  sum  of  100  francs  which  you  deposited. 

I  am,  sir, 

Respectfully  youre, 


E.  O.  Reed, 


American  Consul. 


I  felt  surprised,  Mr.  Chairman  and  Senators,  that  in  pursuit  of  my 
private  business  as  an  American  citizen  my  Government  should  deny 
me  the  right  to  proceed  to  the  British  Isles.  My  request  for  a  pass¬ 
port  was  not  to  go  to  Ireland.  My  request  for  a  passport  was  to 


870 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


proceed  to  the  British  Isles.  I  had  personally  said  that  my  purpose 
was  not  political ;  that  I  desired  no  exemptions  from  the  laws  of  the 
land.  I  had  desired  to  proceed  there  for  family  and  personal  rea¬ 
sons.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman  and  Senators,  on  the  other  matter  which 
I  wish  to  present  to  the  committee  I  wish  to  say  that  during  a  stay 
of  about  two  months  in  Paris,  where  I  met  many  of  the  editors  of 
the  French  press  and  many  of  the  public  men  of  France,  I  have  had 
opportunity  to  get  a  vision  of  the  proposed  league  of  nations  some¬ 
what  different  from  that  which  would  naturally  otherwise  have  been 
given  to  me. 

From  my  training  and  environment  I  have  naturally  paid  most 
attention  to  the  economic  and  industrial  aspect  of  the  treaty.  The 
trouble  with  the  treaty  is  that  it  is  neither  a  treaty  of  vengeance  nor 
a  treaty  of  justice  ;  it  is  calculated  to  maintain  forever  a  commercial 
supremacy  to  one  or  two  of  the  high  contracting  parties.  I  regret 
to  say  that  America  does  not  seem  to  be  included  as  one  of  those 
parties. 

The  condition  of  France  at  the  present  time,  as  admitted  to  mo  in 
private  conference  by  their  thinking  minds,  is  one  of  gravest  import. 
Its  finances  are  in  a  depleted  condition ;  it  lias  exercised  its  power  of 
taxation  so  far  as  it  is  believed  the  people  of  France  will  endure, 
and  still  the  income  is  more  than  a  billion  dollars  below  the  abso¬ 
lute  requirements  of  its  budget,  even  with  its  army  demobilized. 

I  spent  some  days  driving  over  the  devastated  regions  of  northern 
France,  and  the  paralysis  of  the  country  is  appalling.  The  difficul¬ 
ties.  of  obtaining  raw  materials  and  coal  are  greater  than  I  can 
describe. 

There  has  been  no  outlet  for  commercial  development  accorded 
to  it  by  this  present  proposed  treaty.  Even  the  commercial  ad¬ 
vantages  which  have  accrued  to  France  from  its  old  protectorate 
of  the  Christian  people  of  the  Orient  is  being  imperiled  by  the 
British  control  in  Mesopotamia  and  the  Near  East.  Fiftj^-five  per 
cent  of  the  German  indemnity  which  is  supposed  to  be  obtained  by 
France  is  incomplete  and  uncertain  reparation.  Many  eventualities 
may  occur  which  would  defer  or  avoid  the  payment  of  these  in¬ 
demnities,  and  neither  France  nor  the  world  at  large  could  ever  be 
called  to  arms  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  at  the  point  of  the  sword 
payment  which  may  or  may  not  be  beyond  the  will  or  the  possibilities 
of  the  central  powers  to  pay. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  question  of  sovereignty  over  subject  people 
is  understood  in  a  more  material  way  abroad  than  we  generally 
understand  it  in  America.  It  is  understood  as  the  right  of  commer¬ 
cial  exploitation,  and  whether  it  be  in  the  guise  of  mandatories  for 
itself  or  its  colonies,  the  British  Empire  has  most  successfully  ob¬ 
tained  the  control  of  countries  and  people  which  are  more  than  a 
commercial  compensation  for  the  losses  endured  even  by  the  British 
Empire  in  the  prosecution  of  war.  I  refer  to  the  control  that  Eng¬ 
land  now  possesses  under  the  terms  proposed  by  this  treaty,  of  almost 
one-third  of  the  earth’s  surface.  I  am  not  discussing  the  freedom 
of  the  seas  for  the  minute.  Gibraltar,  Malta,  Suez,  Aiden,  and  all 
the  other  strategic  points  held  by  England  are  solid  answers  in  denial 
of  the  assertion  that  the  freedom  of  the  seas  now  exists. 

This  present  treaty  proposes  to  subject  forever  the  sovereignty  of 
Egypt,  to  condemn  the  oldest  nation  in  the  world  to  serfdom  and 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


871 


to  commercial  exploitation;  Asia  Minor,  Arabia,  Persia,  Afghani¬ 
stan,  Thibet,  Burmah,  India,  form  an  unbroken  chain  in  the  interest 
of  England  to  meet  and  to  connect  its  links  with  the  sphere  of  in¬ 
fluence  claimed,  and  by  this  treaty  yielded  to  the  Imperial  Govern¬ 
ment  of  Japan. 

Japan,  whose  losses  in  this  war  were  of  a  negligible  quantity,  is 
to  be  confirmed  in  its  control  of  Korea  with  its  20,000,000  of  people, 
and  to  be  accorded  the  control  of  Shantung,  with  its  iron,  and  coal, 
and  mineral  resources,  and  its  many  millions  of  Chinese  inhabitants, 
and  which  must  be  regarded  as  the  commercial  jugular  vein  of 
China;  by  it,  and  through  its  waterways  and  railways  of  the  interior 
of  China,  will  be  acquired  by  commercial  and  treaty  advantages. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  more  than  glance  at  the  map  of  Africa  to 
see  that  from  Cairo  to  the  Cape  it  is  to  be  dominated  in  the  British 
interest. 

I  point  out  these  things  to  you  gentlemen  to  call  your  attention  to 
the  undying  antagonism  that  exists  between  the  principles  upon 
which  a  Government  like  ours  is  founded,  of  the  people  and  for  the 
people,  and  the  principles  upon  which  an  imperial  government  is 
founded,  where  the  Crown  is,  if  not  the  right  divine,  at  least  it  is 
the  center  around  which  rallies  in  support  the  commercial,  the  mili¬ 
tary,  and  selfish  oligarchies  of  privilege.  All  of  this,  which  I  believe 
you  will  admit  as  self-evident,  is  to  my  mind  trained  and  aimed  more 
especially  against  America  than  any  other  country  in  the  world ;  it 
is  asserted  that  our  factories  produce  in  eight  months  our  domestic 
requirements,  so  that  for  four  months  of  the  year  we  are  forced 
either  to  seek  foreign  markets  or  to  shut  down  our  factories.  Eng- 
land  well  knows  that  it  can  not  stop  the  fertility  of  our  fields  from 
producing  cotton  and  corn  and  the  necessaries  of  life  in  bounteous 
plenty;  nor  our  mines  in  their  production  of  raw  material  in  prac¬ 
tically  unlimited  quantities;  nor  can  it  fetter  the  energy  and  the 
power  of  American  industrial  and  commercial  development.  It 
therefore  seeks,  under  the  specious  title  of  a  league  of  nations,  to 
draw  a  wall  of  iron  around  the  markets  of  the  world,  where,  by  a 
preferential  imperial  tariff,  the  products  of  our  factories  will  be 
handicapped  in  their  efforts  to  obtain  a  foreign  market ;  where  from 
time  to  time  a  slight  concession  here  and  there  on  their  part  may  be 
looked  upon  and  exploited  as  an  act  of  generosity  on  their  part 
toward  their  American  cousins,  and  so  through  the  aid  of  finance 
and  intrigue  an  invisible  British  Empire  may  be  superimposed  upon 
the  destinies  of  America. 

We  are  asked  to  abdicate  our  sovereignty  in  favor  of  a  sovereignty 
of  a  composite  body  in  which  we  have  but  one  vote  as  against  six 
votes  of  the  British  Empire,  and  the  six  votes  of  the  British  Empire 
are  but  a  small  portion  of  its  influence.  It  will  be  in  a  position  to 
offer  to  every  country  in  the  world — France,  Italy,  Greece — special 
concessions  and  considerations  for  their  vote  on  every  question  that 
arises  wherein  American  interests  might  be  circumscribed  and  im¬ 
peded,  regardless  of  principle  or  regardless  of  the  eternal  right 
in  the  controversy  involved. 

I  have  not  attempted  in  these  few  words  to  enter  into  any  discus¬ 
sion  of  the  question  from  the  Irish  point  of  view,  because  I  wanted 
it  plain  that  my  objections  against  this  are  American  in  the  most 


872 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


intense  and  vital  things.  But  I  respectfully  submit  for  your  con¬ 
sideration  that  the  question  of  Ireland  is  interminably  involved  in 
this  whole  scheme  of  operation.  America  is  at  the  present  time 
engaged  in  the  development  of  a  mercantile  marine  to  make  it  inde¬ 
pendent  of  either  the  good  will  or  capacity  of  any  other  power  in 
delivering  to  foreign  markets  the  products  of  our  factories,  and 
especially  for  our  trade  with  Europe.  Her  ships  must  have  a  point 
of  debarkation  as  well  as  embarkation.  In  other  words,  a  line  of 
mercantile  marine  without  harbors  in  Europe  would  be  short  lived 
and  unprofitable.  The  harbors  of  England  are  and  wall  be  insuffi¬ 
cient  for  the  British  commerce ;  the  harbors  of  Europe  will  be  domi¬ 
nated  and  controlled  in  the  interest  of  their  respective  governments. 
Ireland  alone  offers  to  America  friendly,  sufficient,  and  secure  har¬ 
bors  for  the  termini  of  its  mercantile  marine  in  the  European  carry¬ 
ing  trade.  From  these  harbors  by  packet  steamships  may  be  made 
the  quickest,  the  cheapest,  and  the  best  distribution  in  Europe  of 
American  goods  and  merchandise. 

What  the  attitude  of  England  would  be  to  bar  the  development  of 
Irish  harbors  in  this  connection  was  illustrated  in  1913,  when 
Europe  was  at  peace.  The  White  Star  Line,  at  the  instance  of  the 
British  Government,  discontinued  Queenstown  as  a  port  of  call.  The 
Hamburg- American  Line  announced  that  it  would  make  Queenstown 
a  port  of  call,  but  before  even  one  ship  of  that  line  made  a  call  at 
Queenstown,  the  British  Government,  in  pursuance  of  its  policy  of 
commercial  isolation  with  which  it  has  surrounded  Ireland  informed 
the  Imperial  Government  of  Germany  that  making  Queenstown  a 
port  of  call  would  be  considered  by  the  British  Government  un¬ 
friendly,  and  it  was  undesirable. 

I  therefore  submit  for  your  consideration  that  the  recognition  of 
the  Irish  Republic,  the  de  jure  government  of  Ireland  is  not  only 
right  and  desirable  as  reasoned  by  every  standard  of  justice  and  of 
American  ideals,  but  that  America  has  an  enlightened  self  interest 
in  the  doing  of  this  commendable  act. 


The  brevity  of  the  space  allotted  to  me  compels  me  to  deal  in  con¬ 
clusions  rather  than  in  a  presentation  of  the  premises  and  the  logic 
of  the  case.  But  we  are  asked  by  this  treaty  to  subscribe  our  fortunes 
and  the  lives  of  our  children  and  their  children’s  children  to  con¬ 
tinuation  in  serfdom  of  hundreds  of  millions  of  human  beings  whom 
God  has  created  in  freedom  and  equality;  we  are  asked  to  lock  the 
door  against  ourselves  as  an  American  nation  in  our  own  commercial 
development  and  while  reservations  and  amendments  may  draw 
many  of  the  fangs  from  this  thing  serpentine  of  iniquity,  the  Ameri¬ 
can  answer  should  be  to  kill  it  and  in  its  place  erect  a  true  league 
of  nations  imbued  with  American  ideals  of  justice  and  equality  of  op¬ 
portunity  for  all.  To  lay  these  foundations  securely  and  broadly  and 
deeply  and  from  here,  in  America,  to  bring  about  a  league  of  nations 
that  shall  be  of  all  things  just  to  the  world  and  all  its  peoples,  and 
shall  also  kill  this  threatened  encirclement  of  American  commerce 
that  lies  hidden  but  real  in  the  terms  of  the  proposed  treaty  you  are 
now  asked  to  sanction. 

Peace  can  only  come  and  endure  as  a  result  of  justice,  and  until 
the  fabric  of  this  treaty  is  reconstructed  and  until  the  thought  that 
controls  its  reconstruction  becomes  American  in  its  democracy,  w© 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


873 


must  cease  to  be  a  people  following  our  traditions,  if  we  support  it, 
and  will  be  dragged  down  to  the  lowest  levels  of  commercial  greed. 

For  these  reasons  I  submit  that  the  defeat  of  the  entire  treaty  is 
the  most  American  thing,  is  the  most  humanitarian  thing,  is  the 
most  just  thing  that  can  now  be  done. 

Judge  Cohalan.  The  last  speaker  before  Mr.  Bourke  Cockran  will 
be  Mr.  Daniel  C.  O’Flaherty,  of  Richmond,  Va. 

STATEMENT  OF  ICE.  DANIEL  C.  0 ’FLAHERTY. 

Mr.  O’ Flaiierty.  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  committee: 
In  my  opinion  the  matter  which  vre  are  considering  demonstrates  the 
wisdom  of  the  fathers  when  they  created  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  I  do  not  believe  in  the  history  of  our  country  a  more 
momentous  epoch  has  ever  arisen  than  is  now  before  you.  It  is  the 
question  of  the  ratification,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate,  of  a  treaty  that  I  think  is  more  momentous  in  its  con¬ 
sequences  to  the  people  of  the  world,  and  especially  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  than  anything  that  has  ever  come  before  the 
United  States  Senate.  I  speak  to  you,  gentlemen,  briefly,  not  as  a 
politician,  but  as  a  Democrat,  as  a  Virginian,  as  a  Southerner,  and 
if  I  may  say  so,  as  a  Protestant  and  a  Mason.  Some  people  have  said 
to  me,  and  I  have  been  told,  even  out  in  the  hall  here  to-day,  that 
this  is  a  religious  question.  I  say  to  you  that  it  is  not  a  religious 
question,  it  is  not  a  political  question,  but  it  is  a  question  which  every 
American  citizen  has  a  right  to  take  into  consideration.  I  repeat  that 
since  the  day  when  the  Liberty  Bell  rang  in  old  Philadelphia,  pro¬ 
claiming  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  no  more  important  matter 
has  ever  been  considered  by  the  people  of  this  country.  I  have  not 
time  to  go  into  it  in  the  way  of  an  argument,  and  after  what  has 
been  said  here  to-day  it  is  not  necessary  to  argue  it  to  such  dis¬ 
tinguished  men,  constitutional  lawyers,  but  I  believe  that  the  ratifica¬ 
tion  of  this  treaty,  wfith  articles  10  and  11  and  with  the  other  articles 
that  follow  along  after  it,  would  not  make  the  world  safe  for  de¬ 
mocracy,  but  it  would  make  it  safe  for  hypocrisy.  [Applause.] 

What  is  a  treaty?  It  is  a  contract  between  nations,  and  everything 
that  is  put  in  it  is  put  in  for  somebody’s  benefit.  What  is  article  10 
put  in  there  for?  Is  it  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States?  We  do 
not  need  it.  For  whose  benefits  is  it  to  retain  the  integrity,  for 
instance,  of  the  British  Empire?  Somebody  says,  “Well,  how  does 
it  do  it?”  Let  us  take  an  illustration:  Suppose  Canada  or  Ireland 
should  desire  to  be  free.  Suppose  Egypt  should  become  free  by  the 
volition  of  England,  and  England  should  try  to  help  Canada  or  Ire¬ 
land.  With  whom  would  we  go?  We  should  have  to  fight  against 
Canada  in  favor  of  England.  Is  not  that  true?  I  say  as  a  lawyer 
that  in  my  humble  opinion  articles  10  and  11  of  this  treaty  bind 
Ireland  and  every  other  nation  that  is  under  the  hoof  of  England, 
hand  and  foot  to  the  cross. 

Why  should  we  not  speak  out?  I  say  to  you,  gentlemen,  in  my 
opinion  that  if  we  do  not  speak  out  at  this  awful  moment,  the  very 
stones  in  the  street  should  cry  out  for  us. 

I  do  not  claim  to  speak  for  all  the  people  of  Virginia..  I  am  glad 
to  say  that  you  have  on  this  committee  one  of  our  most  distinguished 
sons,  who  has  his  own  opinion  on  this  subject  and  I  may  differ  with 


874 


TREATY  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


him ;  but  we  have  the  right  to  come  and  be  heard,  and  I  come  to  you 
to-day  as  a  Virginian,  as  a  Southerner,  as  an  Irishman,  as  an  Irish- 
American,  as  a  descendant  of  Irish  ancestors  back  for  a  thousand 
years.  But  I  am  first  an  American,  and  I  believe  that  some  of  these 
articles  are  the  greatest  blow  that  has  ever  been  aimed  at  the  Ameri¬ 
can  Constitution.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  come  to  you  to  bear  to  you  a  message  from  a  mass 
meeting  held  in  Richmond  the  other  day,  the  capital  of  Virginia, 
the  capital  of  the  old  Confederacy,  if  you  please,  the  home  State  of 
our  distinguished  President.  It  passed  this  resolution  unanimously. 

Senator  Beandegee.  Was  it  a  large  mass  meeting? 

Mr.  O’Flaheety.  Four  thousand  people,  a  large  mass  meeting  for 
a  city  of  our  size,  and  not  a  dissenting  voice.  It  unanimously  adopted 
these  resolutions: 

Resolved ,  That  we  declare  ourselves  unreservedly  in  favor  of  the  independ¬ 
ence  of  Ireland,  and  demand  that  our  Government  recognize  the  Irish  Republic; 
and 

Resolved,  That  we  register  our  opposition  to  any  proposed  league  of  nations 
which  does  not  protect  all  American  rights  and  ideals  and  which  binds  us  to 
guarantee  the  territorial  integrity  of  the  British  and  Japanese  Empires. 

This  resolution  was  adopted  at  a  meeting  at  which  the  mayor  of 
the  city  presided,  and  to  which  his  excellency  the  governor  gave  the 
honor  of  his  presence.  I  believe  that  if  a  plebiscite  of  the  people  of 
Virginia  were  taken  without  a  word  of  discussion  to-day  you  would 
find  that  the  majority  of  them  would  be  in  favor  of  the  freedom  of 
Ireland.  [Applause.]  And  I  am  sure  that  if  you  were  to  go  before 
them  and  tell  them  what  is  being  done  and  tell  the  truth  of  the 
matter  they  would  be  still  more  greatly  in  favor  of  it. 

Gentlemen,  I  have  been  in  a  quandary.  It  is  not  my  desire  to 
embarrass  the  administration.  I  believe  in  that  great  Virginian  who 
•is  the  President  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Wilson,  but  I  believe  that 
any  league  of  nations  which  perpetuates  the  British  Empire  in  its 
present  condition,  in  which  portions  of  that  empire  are  in  perpetual 
thraldom,  is  un-American,  unfair,  and  will  never  be  ratified  by  the 
will  and  the  wishes  of  the  American  people.  I  believe  I  would  be 
unfair  to  myself  as  an  American,  untrue  to  the  teachings  of  the 
great  Virginia  patriots  who  did  so  much  to  establish  this  Republic, 
if  I  did  not  raise  my  voice  at  least  against  articles  10  and  11,  espe¬ 
cially,  of  the  proposed  league  of  nations,  which,  in  my  view,  rivet 
the  bands  that  bind  Ireland  to  England,  and  would  compel  us  to 
assist  England  in  keeping  Ireland  in  perpetual  thraldom.  I  trust 
in  the  wisdom  of  this  committee.  I  say  reverently  that  I  thank  God 
that  unto  men  like  these  were  committed  by  the  fathers  the  keeping 
of  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  this  constitution,  that  we  may  be 
saved — I  hope  I  am  not  speaking  like  a  school  boy — that  we  may  be 
saved  from  the  rocks  ahead  of  us;  that  we  remember  what  George 
Washington  said  when  he  warned  us  to  keep  out  of  entangling  al¬ 
liances.  Why,  this  is  a  cobweb  of  such  a  character  that  the  mind  of 
no  human  being  can  fathom  where  we  will  go  under  it.  So  I  hope 
that  this  committee  will  safeguard  the  rights  of  Ireland,  that  ancient 
nation,  so  that  she  may  take  her  place  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 
She  is  a  nation;  she  has  been  a  nation;  she  has  every  element  of  a 
nation,  the  geography,  the  ethnology,  the  soil,  the  climate,  every¬ 
thing  that  goes  to  make  up  a  nation.  Why  under  heaven  should  Ire- 


TREATY  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY.  875 

land,  the  oldest  of  all  the  white  nations  on  earth,  be  the  only  one  that 
is  denied  her  freedom?  [Applause.] 

A  favorite  objection  of  those  who  are  opposed  to  the  independence 
of  Ireland  is  what  they  glibly  call  the  “  Ulster  question.”  Along 
with  this  is  also  the  other  oft-repeated  statement  that  Irishmen  can’t 
agree  among  themselves.  The  last  and  only  election  ever  held  in 
Ireland  in  which  the  question  of  self-determination  was  in  issue  was 
in  December,  1918,  in  which  outside  of  Ulster,  which  is  only  about 
one-fifth  of  Ireland,  not  a  single  constituency,  except  a  gerry¬ 
mandered  one  in  Dublin,  was  carried  by  the  Unionists.  So  you 
have  the  greatest  unanimity  in  four-fifths  of  Ireland  for  a  republic. 

It  is  true  that  in  Ulster  the  Irish  do  not  agree  on  this  political 
question,  or  rather  those  who  claim  not  to  be  Irish,  do  not  agree. 
Without  discussing  the  fact  that  we  never  agreed  upon  any. political 
issue  in  our  own  country,  and  that  at  the  time  of  the  formation  of 
our  own  republic,  there  were  many  Tories,  none  Irish,  however,  and 
we  very  often  fail  to  agree  and  it  is  preferable  that  we  should  not 
alwuays  agree. 

It  is  quite  interesting  to  analyze  the  Ulster  situation  from  an  im¬ 
partial  standpoint,  taking  the  vote  of  December,  1918,  as  a  basis. 
I  say  an  impartial  standpoint  because  the  writer  of  this  article 
belongs  religiously  to  the  faction  that  claims  to  be  in  the  majority 
in  Ulster,  and  who  are  opposed  to  the  independence  of  Ireland,  but 
one  wTho  does  not  share  that  view.  I,  as  a  Protestant,  a  Mason,  and 
one  with  other  than  Irish  blood  in  my  veins,  can  not  be  accused 
of  being  partial  to  the  Catholic  Irish,  and  certainly  can  see  the  facts 
and  analyze  them  freely  from  the  point  of  the  Ulster  people,  if  it 
is  a  religious  question. 

The  chief  exponent,  as  is  well  known,  of  this  Ulster  bugaboo 
is  Mr.  Carson,  who  himself  until  recently  has  never  represented  a 
constituency  in  Ireland,  but  wdio  attempts  to  speak  for  the  Province 
of  Ulster,  and  his  ideas  have  been  widely  disseminated  through  the 
English  press  as  those  which  should  be  accepted  b}r  the  outside  world. 

Ulster  consists  of  nine  counties — Donegal,  Londonderry,  Antrim, 
Tyrone,  Down,  Fermanagh,  Monaghan,  Caven,  and  Armagh.  These 
nine  counties  in  the  election  which  was  held  for  Parliament  in 
1918  were  entitled  to  25  seats.  Out  of  these  the  Sinn  Feiners  car¬ 
ried  10,  the  Irish  party  which  was  not  with  the  Sinn  Feiners  but 
opposed  to  the  Unionists,  carried  4,  so  that  the  Carsonites  or  Union¬ 
ists,  only  carried  11,  or  a  minority  in  Ulster.  Four  of  these  11 
seats  were  accredited  to  Antrim,  in  which  the  city  of  Belfast  is  situ¬ 
ated,  and  all  these  representatives  are  Unionists.  So  that  outside 
of  the  county  in  which  Belfast  is  situated  there  were  only  eight 
Unionists  representatives  elected  in  the  whole  of  Ireland,  the  seven 
outside  of  Antrim,  and  the  one  in  the  gerrymandered  district  near 
Dublin,  as  against  73  Sinn  Feiners  and  6  of  the  Irish  Party  and  6 
Nationalists.  Since  that  election,  just  about  a  month  ago,  one  of 
the  constituents  in  Antrim  wTas  captured  by  the  Sinn  Feiners  in  a 
bye  election  showing  the  tremendous  change  in  the  sentiment  in  the 
only  stronghold  that  the  Unionists  had,  and  this  is  the  election  at 
which  Mr.  Carson  said  that  if  he  didn’t  carry  he  would  resign, 
which  of  course  was  nothing  but  a  bluff,  for  he  is  simply  the  agent 
of  the  English  Government,  and  is  not  likely  to  resign  his  job  so 


876 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


long  as  lie  can  hold  it.  The  majority  for  the  Unionists  in  those  con¬ 
stituencies  last  December  averaged  about  6,000. 

These  are  the  cold  facts  in  the  case,  which  are  verified  by  the  offi¬ 
cial  reports  which  I  have  before  me  as  to  the  election  of  1918.  IVe 
then  have  a  minority  of  a  small  section  of  the  country,  less  than  one- 
fiftli  of  it,  asking  that  the  will  of  the  people  of  a  great  country  in 
which  a  million  votes  were  cast  be  heard  as  against  the  rights  of  the 
many. 

Belfast  in  the  last  election  cast  about  79,000  votes  for  the  Union 
and  39,000  for  the  Independence.  By  some  sanctity  unknown  to 
Americans  this  40,000  majority  who  claim  they  are  not  Irish  but 
Sotch-Irish,  claim  that  they  ought  to  rule  over  a  million  Irish 
who  are  not  only  shamed  to  be  called  Irish,  but  glory  in  the  dis- 
tinction.^  When,  therefore,  you  hear  anyone  repeat  the  statement 
that  Ireland  can  not  agree  as  to  what  she  wants,  simply  recall  these 
facts  and  ask  yourself  if  such  “  twaddle  ”  should  receive  any  consid¬ 
eration  at  the  hands  of  the  Americans  who  believe  in  majority  rule. 

But  rest  assured  that  Robert  Emmet,  a  Protestant  Irishman’s 
epitaph  will  be  written  some  day,  and  monuments  will  be  erected  to 
others  without  regard  to  religion  or  creed,  but  simply  because  they 
were  friends  of  Irish  freedom;  and  further,  that  if  England’s  fleet 
was  thrice  as  great,  and  her  gold  as  many  times  more  potent  in  dis¬ 
seminating  false  propaganda,  the  Irish  Republic  will  live. 

It  is  thus  seen  that  the  only  part  of  Ireland  which  can’t  agree 
among  themselves  are  the  Irishmen  of  Ulster,  and  even  here  many 
have  said  that  the  will  of  the  rest  of  Ireland  should  prevail. 

The  fact  is  that  many  of  the  people  of  Antrim,  and  especially 
Belfast,  are  not  Irish,  but  are  Scotch,  or  as  they  are  sometimes  errone- 
ousy  called  Scotch-Irish,  whatever  that  means,  for  that  term  is  a 
much  abusd  one  and  ignorantly  used,  for  as  a  matter  of  fact  there 
is  no  such  a  race  as  Scotch-Irish  as  a  race. 

The  remedy  would  seem  to  be,  if  those  people  are  Scotch  or  En¬ 
glish  and  feel  that  they  do  not  want  to  be  ruled  by  the  majority  of 
the  people  of  the  country,  to  take  a  boat  and  sail  across  to  Glasgow 
which  is  just  a  few  hours  ride  and  let  the  great  mass  of  people  who 
dwell  in  Ireland  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  country  to  suit  themselves. 
Belfast  is  nothing  more  than  a  mushroom  manufacturing  town, 
which  might  succeed  as  well  in  building  ships  and  making  linen  in 
Glasgow  as  on  the  other  side  of  the  Irish  Sea.  As  well  might  the 
cities  of  Norfolk,  Portsmouth,  and  Newport  News,  which  constitute 
about  the  same  proportion  to  the  State  of  Virginia,  say  that  we 
won’t  play  with  you  at  all  because  we  don’t  like  you  in  other  respects 
and  therefore  we  are  not  going  to  submit  to  the  majority  of  the  peo¬ 
ple  of  Virginia.  In  other  words,  if  you  should  move  the  shipyards 
from  Belfast,  which  40  years  ago  had  a  population  of  less  than 
50,000,  to  the  Clyde  or  the  Firth,  you  would  get  rid  of  the  Ulster 
question  and  remove  the  only  argument  that  England  has.  But 
luckily  this  ancient  nation  has  never  recognized,  and  never  will  as 
long  as  the  blood  of  the  Gael  flows  through  Irish  veins,  the  govern¬ 
ment  of  England  maintained  at  Dublin  Castle  by  force  of  arms, 
frnud,  and  bribery. 

Another  argument  which  is  highly  esteemed  by  these  self-styled 
“  Better-than-thou  ”  Irishmen,  is  that  while  we  have  not  the  popu¬ 
lation  we  have  the  wealth  and  intelligence.  The  facts  in  the  case  tss 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY.  877 

to  this  canard  are  even  stronger  than  as  to  the  question  of  the  ma¬ 
jority  in  Ulster. 

Leinster,  in  which  the  city  of  Dublin  is  situated,  is  a  much 
wealthier  province  than  Ulster.  The  city  of  Dublin,  with  her  popu¬ 
lation,  which  is  really  about  the  same  as  Belfast,  is  assessed  with 
property  of  the  value  of  over  £11,000,000,  or  Dublin  is  assessed  about 
twice  as  much  as  Belfast.  Dublin  pays  an  income  tax  of  about  £200,- 
000.  The  whole  of  Leinster,  taken  together,  is  much  wealthier 
than  Ulster,  whose  wealth  is  the  lowest,  except  Connaught,  which  is 
in  the  extreme  western  part  of  Ireland  and  much  of  its  territory  is  a 
wild  and  rocky,  broken  sea  country  which  is  not  susceptible  of  culti¬ 
vation  or  development. 

But,  say  these  same  objectors,  Ulster  is  Protestant  and  the  rest  of 
Ireland  is  Catholic,  and  therefore  the  majority  should  not  rule.  That 
is  democracy  with  a  reservation  which  American  people  can  not 
understand,  for  it  announces  that  if  the  majority  in  Ulster  are  Protes¬ 
tants  they  should  rule,  if  Catholic  they  should  not.  Quoting,  how¬ 
ever,  from  the  religious  census  in  the  9  counties  of  Ulster,  there  are 
690,134  Catholics,  451,566  Presbyterians,  48,490  Methodists,  and  other 
scattered  religious  denominations.  The  self-constituted  guardians 
of  this  part  of  Ireland  are  always  talking  of  taking  care  of  these 
Presbyterians.  This  is  wasted  sympathy,  for  in  the  history  of  Ire¬ 
land’s  fight  for  independence  since  the  days  of  Hugh  O’Neill  down  to 
the  present  time  the  majority  of  the  men  who  have  fought  for  Ire¬ 
land’s  independence  have  been  of  these  same  Irish  Presbyterians  or 
Protestant.  Wolf  tone,  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald,  O’Connor,  and 
Emmet  were  all  Irish  Presbyterians.  John  Mitchell,  John  Philpot 
Curran  and  many  other  leaders  were  Protestants. 

The  only  leaders  that  Ireland  has  had  for  generations  who  were 
Catholics  were  Daniel  O’Connell  and  Redmond,  and  it  was  O’Con¬ 
nell’s  fight  that  won  for  both  the  Catholics  and  Presbyterians  the 
right  of  suffrage.  The  great  emancipation  bill  which  freed  the  Catho¬ 
lics,  freed  the  Presbyterians,  for  in  the  days  of  O’Connell,  no  one  but 
the  Church  of  England  could  vote  or  hold  office,  and  the  so-called 
Irish  Parliament,  which  voted  to  destroy  Ireland  and  carried  the 
Union,  was  a  Church  of  England  body  with  not  a  single  Catholic  in 
it.  What  then  becomes  of  the  foolish  statement  by  men  who  are 
otherwise  usually  intelligent  that  Ireland’s  fight  for  independence  and 
throwing  off  of  the  British  yoke  has  been  a  religious  one?  In  the 
past  50  years  and  prior  to  the  Easter  rebellion  many  Irish  Protes¬ 
tants,  for  political  offenses,  have  been  hanged,  drawn  and  quartered, 
and  dogs  have  lapped  their  blood  in  the  streets  of  Dublin. 

In  Ireland’s  glorious  future  these  names  will  not  be  forgotten, 
though  they  are  not  heroes  in  the  sight  of  Sir  Edward  Carson  or 
Bonar  Law.  they  will  in  future  generations  be  revered  as  men  who 
would  not  hug  the  chains  that  bound  them,  nor  kiss  the  feet  that 
trampled  upon  them,  content  to  be  slaves  if  they  could  but  eat  and 
drink,  for  such  a  condition  is  natural  asphyxia  in  which  the  breath¬ 
ing  “  of  the  great  dumb,  stupid  animal  alone  gives  evidence  that  it 
lives  at  all.” 

It  was  a  religious  question  in  a  sense  at  one  time,  to  give  help  to 
Protestants  and  Catholics  alike,  the  right  of  suffrage,  without  which 


878 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


men  are  but  slaves,  and  this  was  carried  by  Irish  Catholics  and 
Irish  Presbyterians,  and  the  fight  which  is  being  fought  out  by 
the  Irish,  not  only  in  Ireland,  but  in  America  and  in  Canada  and 
in  Australia  and  in  New  Zealand  and  in  South  America  by  the 
Friends  of  Irish  Freemen,  not  as  a  religious  question  but  as  a  ques¬ 
tion  of  right,  and  the  tide  of  public  opinion  of  the  world  is  such 
that  no  man,  no  group  of  men,  or  no  one  nation  can  stop  it. 

As  I  have  said  on  a  former  occasion,  “  Tell  me  what  is  the  unseen 
and  mystic  law  that  claims  the  fidelity  of  the  compass  and  keeps  it 
ever  pointing  to  the  polar  star?  55  Tell  me  this  and  I  will  tell  you 
why  Irishmen,  whether  they  come  from  the  golden  vale  of  Tipperary 
or  the  picturesque  hills  of  Connemara,  whether  smiling  in  the  sun¬ 
shine  of  prosperity  or  groaning  under  the  load  of  adversity,  are 
drawn  to  the  Prince  of  Connla,  of  the  Golden  Flair,  to 

That  sunny  land 
From  druids  and  demons  free, 

The  land  of  rest, 

In  the  Golden  West, 

On  the  verge  of  the  azure  sea. 

Some  ask  me  the  question,  “ What  can  Ireland  do?”  I  reply, 
“  What  can  England  do  ?  ”  She  has  reached  the  point  where  she  must 
respect  the  wishes  of  over  4,000,000  people  in  Ireland  or  shoot  them 
down  with  machine  guns  or  starve  them  in  prison.  Does  she  dare 
do  it?  Can  there  be  any  doubt  of  the  outcome?  Germany  tried 
it  on  Belgium  and  England  will  tread  the  same  path  as  Germany 
if  she  persists  in  her  course.  Not  only  has  England  to  respect 
the  wishes  of  Ireland,  but  she  now  fully  understands,  I  hope,  what 
she  did  not  in  1776,  that  a  decent  respect  for  the  opinions  of  man¬ 
kind  bids  her  halt. 

It  is  no  longer  a  fight  between  Ireland  and  England,  but  a  fight 
between  England  and  the  enlightened  opinion  of  mankind,  and  she 
is  fast  learning  that  the  world  will  no  longer  let  her  hide  behind 
the  false  cry  of  protection  for  Ulster. 

Senator  Moses.  Mr.  O’Flaherty,  I  want  to  ask  you  a  question  or 
two.  You  stated  that  in  your  opinion  a  plebiscite  "taken  in  Virginia 
would  show  a  vote  of  four  to  one  in  favor  of  the  freedom  of  Ireland? 

Mr.  O’Flaherty.  No;  I  did  not  say  that.  I  said  a  majority.  Did 
I  sav  four  to  one  ? 

Senator  Moses.  I  so  understood  you. 

Mr.  O’Flaherty.  1  did  not  mean  to  say  that. 

Senator  Moses.  A  majority  of  the  people  of  Virginia  would  favor 
the  freedom  of  Ireland  and  would  so  express  themselves  ? 

Mr.  O’Flaherty.  I  said  they  would  if  there  was  a  plebiscite.  I 
believe  they  would  so  declare  themselves.  I  have  never  seen  a  Vir- 

finian  yet  that  was  not  in  favor  of  freedom,  and  especially  the  free- 
om  of  Ireland. 

Senator  Moses.  What  attitude  do  you  think  they  would  take  in 
Virginia  on  a  plebiscite  on  the  league  of  nations? 

Mr.  O’Flaherty.  I  would  not  want  to  answer  that.  If  you  would 
come  around  and  ask  me  as  a  lawyer  I  would  not  want  to  answer  that. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


879 


STATEMENT  OF  IIQIL  V/.  BOTJRKE  COCKRAN. 

Judge  Cohalan.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  desire  now  to  present  the  last 
speaker  of  the  hearing.  I  want  to  say  first,  a  word  of  thanks,  and  to 
reserve  the  right  for  filing  statements,  which  you  gave  some  time  ago, 
from  a  great  many  people  from  different  parts  of  the  country.  I 
shall  not  take  up  further  time  now,  except  to  present  one  of  the'f ore- 
most  men  of  the  country  and  of  the  Irish  race,  a  scholar,  a  student  of 
affairs,  a  statesman,  and  an  orator,  Hon.  William  Bourke  Cockran,  of 
New  York. 

Mr.  Cockran.  Mr.  Chairman  and  Senators,  I  would  like  to  begin 
by  answering  some  questions  that  were  propounded  this  morning  to 
gentlemen  who  appeared  here  in  opposition  to  this  proposed  League 
of  Nations.  One  of  the  most  important  was  that  of  Senator  Borah, 
who  asked  if  it  were  true,  as  some  gentlemen  have  contended  on  the 
floor  of  the  Senate,  that  if  this  League  of  Nations  be  established  it 
would  prove  a  very  effective  agency  through  which  Ireland  could 
obtain  her  independence.  I  take  it  that  Senator  Brandegee’s  ques¬ 
tion  was  put  in  amplification  of  Senator  Borah’s  inquiry,  because  he 
said  Senator  Walsh  made  practically  the  same  statement  in  the  course 
of  debate. 

Senator  Brandegee.  I  did  ask  such  a  question;  but  I  did  not  know 
that  Senator  Borah  had  previously  asked  it. 

Mr.  Cockran.  1  shall,  therefore,  answer  both  Senators  together. 
I  think  that  Senator  Walsh  supplied  the  answer  to  his  own  conten¬ 
tion  most  effectively.  He  said,  as  I  recollect,  that  there  were  three 
means  by  which  a  subject  nation  could  effect  its  independence.  One 
was  by  consent  of  the  governing  nation,  the  other  was  by  revolt  of 
the  subject  people  themselves,  the  third  was  by  outside  intervention, 
and  he  claimed  great  credit  for  the  proposed  League  of  Nations, 
because  it  prohibited  but  one  of  those  methods  of  relief,  leaving  the 
other  two  open  and  available.  The  objection  to  this  position  is  that 
no  nation  ever  did  achieve  its  independence  by  consent  of  the  domi¬ 
nant  power,  or  by  naked  action  of  its  own  people.  Every  successful 
revolution  of  which  I  have  any  knowledge  was  effected  tnrough  out¬ 
side  support.  The  American  Colonies  would  not  have  been  free  but 
for  the  intervention  of  France.  Cuba  would  still  be  under  the  domi¬ 
nation  of  Spain  but  for  the  intervention  of  this  country,  and  Greece 
would  still  be  languishing  under  the  heel  of  the  Turk  if  it  had  not 
been  for  the  assistance  of  Christendom.  So  that  when  Senator  Walsh 
says  that  by  this  treaty  subject  nations  are  deprived  of  but  one 
avenue  of  escape  from  servitude,  the  answer  is  that  they  are  deprived 
of  the  only  one  through  which  escape  can  be  effected. 

There  is  another  question  which  Senator  Brandegee  asked  that  I 
think  ought  to  be  answered.  He  inquired  whether  appeals  are 
allowed  from  decisions  by  a  single  official  committing  Irish  men  and 
women  to  jail  for  long  periods.  At  this  time  Ireland  is  practically 
under  martial  law — which  means  no  law  at  all — or  what  is  virtually 
its  equivalent,  “The  defense  of  the  realm”  act.  Everybody  under¬ 
stands  that  martial  law  is  suspension  of  law,  substituting  for  law 
which  is  a  regular  fixed  rule  of  conduct,  the  whim  or  judgment  of  a 
single  official.  In  Ireland,  under  the  present  system,  the  people  are 
governed  by  two  whims,  either  one  of  which  constitutes  the  rule  of 
conduct  for  the  population.  One  is  the  whim  of  the  commanding 


880 


THE  AT  Y  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


military  officer,  and  the  other  is  the  whim  of  an  official  called  a  resi¬ 
dent  magistrate,  apparently  for  the  reason  that  he  is  never  a  resident 
of  the  locality  in  which  he  officiates.  The  expression,  “R.  M.,” 
officially  intended  to  signify  resident  magistrate,  will  describe  him 
much  more  correctly  as  “removable  magistrate.”  He  is  the  only 
magistrate  under  the  whole  British  system  who  is  removable  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  Crown.  I  need  not  remind  the  chairman  of  this  body 
that  the  chief  fruit  gained  by  the  revolution  of  1688  was  termination 
of  the  system  under  which  judges  were  removable  by  the  Crown,  and 
under  which  they  were,  in  the  language  of  Lord  Macaulay,  not  cham¬ 
pions  of  truth  and  justice,  but  “greedy  and  ferocious  butchers/’  eager 
to  satisfy  every  demand  of  despotism. 

The  removable  magistrate  always  dreads  removal,  and  the  only 
way  to  avoid  it  is  by  delivering  the  judgment  which  the  prosecuting 
officei’3  desire.  The  effect  is  that  if  a  man  makes  a  speech,  as  Mr. 
Walsh  told  you,  advocating  the  Republic — nay,  if  ho  utter  a  word 
which  the  police  dislike — he  is  promptly  haled  before  either  a  drum¬ 
head  court-martial  or  one  of  these  resident  magistrates  and  con¬ 
demned  without  any  chance  of  appeal  to  the  hideous  indignities 
which  have  been  described  so  forcibly  here  to-day.  Nothing  could 
illustrate  more  strikingly  the  conditions  against  which  Irishmen  are 
in  revolt  than  this  deliberate  establishment  in  Ireland  by  the  English 
Government  of  a  judicial  system  so  fruitful  of  abuse  that  Englishmen 
themselves  rose  in  revolution  to  drive  it  from  their  own  country. 

When  conditions  somewhat  similar,  though  I  do  not  think  they 
were  quite  so  onerous,  existed  in  Cuba,  the  chairman  of  this  com¬ 
mittee,  and  I  think  many  others  of  its  members,  were  quick  to  insist 
that  intervention  to  stop  those  outrages  became  a  task  imposed  upon 
us  by  our  primacy  of  civilization ;  that  continuance  of  a  government 
which  had  become  perverted  from  its  natural  functions  of  defending 
peace  and  order  to  perpetrating  the  very  outrages  on  justice  which 
government  is  organized  to  prevent,  was  an  injury  to  civilization 
which  all  the  forces  of  civilization  should  combine  to  remove.  And 
we,  as  chief  among  those  forces,  drew  the  sword  and  ended  that 
abominable  system  in  Cuba.  A  worse  s}"stem  exists  to-day  in  Ire¬ 
land.  It  can  be  terminated,  as  far  as  we  can  see  now,  by  no  means 
except  the  influence  of  this  American  Republic,  and  we  are  here  to 
protest  against  any  treaty,  League  of  Nations,  or  whatever  it  may  be 
called,  that  will  exclude  consideration  of  the  monstrous  conditions 
that  afflict  Ireland  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  conscience  of  civili¬ 
zation,  of  which  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  has  always  been  the 
foremost  and  best  exponent. 

I  pause  for  a  moment  to  say  that  if  there  be  any  other  Senator 
who  wishes  to  ask  me  about  present  conditions  in  Ireland  I  will  be 
very  glad  to  answer  him.  If  nobody  cares  to  put  a  question,  I  shall 
proceed  to  discuss  the  treaty  now  before  you  purely  from  an  Ameri¬ 
can  standpoint. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  gentlemen  who  preceded  me  have  all  said,  with 
great  force  and  feeling,  that  while  they  are  of  the  Irish  race  they  are 
of  American  birth,  and  that  they  love  above  all  other  things  the 
country  in  which  they  were  born.  I  am  an  Irishman  by  birth  as 
well  as  by  blood.  And  the  reason  I  am  here  is  that  I  do  not  want 
the  Government  whose  shelter  from  my  earliest  youth  I  was  resolved 
to  seek,  whose  benefits  I  have  enjoyed,  to  be  emasculated,  impaired, 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERM  AH  Y. 


881 


or  destroyed,  as  I  believe  it  will  bo,  if  this  treaty  is  ratified.  And  in 
saying  this  I  speak  not  alone  for  myself — my  race  i3  well-nigh  run — 
but  for  my  entire  generation  and  the  generations  that  are  to  follow. 
The  light  that  inspired  me  and  millions  like  me  to  cross  the  seas  I 
hope  the  Senate  will  not  suffer  to  be  extinguished,  but  that  through 
your  action  now  it  will  be  maintained  strong  and  effulgent  for  all  the 
children  of  men  throughout  the  world. 

Mr.  Chairman,  whether  the  right  of  this  country  to  interfere — at 
least  so  far  as  to  exert  its  moral  influence — for  deliverance  of  Ireland 
from  conditions  that  are  a  scandal  to  civilization  shall  be  preserved 
or  whether  it  is  to  be  renounced  and  destroyed  by  ratification  of 
this  treaty,  is  not  an  Irish  question.  It  is  not  a  question  affecting 
solely  England’s  domestic  politics,  as  some  gentlemen  have  con¬ 
tended.  ft  is  an  international  question,  because  it  is  a  question 
affecting  the  peace,  and,  therefore,  the  welfare  of  the  entire  world. 
Judge  Cohalan  has  told  you  there  can  he  no  peace  throughout  the 
world  until  Irish  discontent  is  composed.  This  is  not — as  many 
might  say — a  mere  expression  of  exaggerated  rhetoric.  It  is  the 
sober,  accurate  statement  of  a  fact  which  all  history  attests. 

It  is  certainly  one  fact  of  history  which  none  can  dispute  that 
every  great  war  which  became  general — every  one  became  general 
by  England’s  entrance  into  it — and  which  has  scourged  the  world 
for  the  last  four  centuries,  that  is  to  say  since  the  emergence  of 
modern  civilization  from  the  wreck  of  feudalism,  has  had  its  begin¬ 
ning  in  Ireland — every  one,  without  exception. 

This  last  war  which  has  just  closed,  we  all  know  was  caused  by  the 
German  Emperor’s  belief  that  civil  commotions  in  Ireland  made  1914 
the  period  when  he  could  strike  his  long-meditated  blow  for  world 
dominion,  with  the  strongest  hope  of  success.  The  great  wars  of 
the  French  Revolution  which  culminated  in  the  Napoleonic  wars, 
began  with  representations  of  the  united  Irishmen  through  Wolfe 
Tone  to  the  revolutionary  government  in  France  that  the  conditions 
then  prevaling  in  Ireland — brought  about  by  the  deliberate  recall  of 
Lord  Fitzw'illiam  and  the  refusal  of  concessions  which  had  been 
promised  to  the  Irish  people — had  made  the  land  ripe  for  rebellion. 
The  hostile  manifestations  by  the  French  people  and  their  govern¬ 
ment  which  these  representations  provoked,  were  the  chief  causes 
that  led  Pitt  reluctantly  to  join  the  alliance  against  France.  The 
attempt  of  Ploche’s  expedition  to  land  in  Ireland,  which  was  frus¬ 
trated  when  his  ships  were  blown  by  a  gale  out  of  Bantry  Bay  in 
1796,  marked  the  real  beginning  of  that  desperate  struggle  between 
England  and  Franco,  which  after  ravaging  Europe  for  a  generation 
ended  at  Waterloo.  At  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  it  was 
the  intervention  of  Louis  XIV  in  aid  of  the  Irish  attempt  to  maintain 
James  II  in  possession  of  his  crown  which  brought  about  the  Grand 
Alliance  against  him,  that  afterwards  as  the  war  of  the  Spanish 
succession  plunged  Europe  in  the  disastrous  conflict  that  was  set¬ 
tled  by  the  peace  of  Utrecht.  The  great  war  between  Elizabeth  and 
Philip  II  of  Spain  for  control  of  the  seas  began  with  a  descent  of 
Spanish  and  Portugese  soldiers  on  the  coast  of  Kerry,  who  were  all 
killed  to  a  man  after  they  had  surrendered  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh, 
and  whose  massacre  is  the  only  cloud  on  tlio  fame  of  that  knigktliest 
figure  among  Elizabethan  warriors. 


882 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


Why  is  it  that  every  world  war,  if  not  actually  caused  by  Irish  dis¬ 
content,  has  yet  made  Ireland  the  theater  of  its  first  beginnings? 
This  can  not  be  due  to  a  mere  fortuitous  combination  of  circum¬ 
stances.  My  purpose  is  to  show  that  the  condition  of  Ireland  has 
been  a  constant  invitation  to  every  country  with  a  grievance  against 
England  to  strike  her  at  that  spot  where  she  was  believed  to  be  vul¬ 
nerable,  and  where  she  will  continue  to  be  vulnerable  just  so  long  as 
the  oppressions  against  which  the  Irish  people  have  struggled  for  eight 
centuries  are  suffered  to  exist.  So  that  the  Irish  question  is  not  a 
matter  that  affects  England  and  Ireland  alone,  and  one  which  there¬ 
fore  can  be  called  domestic.  It  is  one  that  has  affected  the  peace  of 
the  world  for  four  centuries  and  which  will  continue  to  affect  it — in 
the  very  nature  of  things — so  long  as  it  is  permitted  to  remain  an 
open  sore  in  the  side  of  Christendom.  To  compose  this  difficulty  and 
settle  it  is  a  task  imposed  upon  the  statesmanship  of  civilization, 
and,  therefore,  it  rests  peculiarly  on  your  shoulders,  Senators,  charged 
as  you  are  at  this  moment  with  responsibility  for  the  conditions  under 
which  peace  is  to  be  reestablished  throughout  the  civilized  world. 

Probably  the  greatest  difficulty  in  dealing  with  the  Irish  question 
is  to  understand  just  what  it  is.  It  has  been  so  misrepresented — and  by 
the  greatest  masters  of  ingenuity  in  misrepresentation  that  the  world 
has  ever  seen — that  many  men,  ordinarily  well  informed,  are  in 
doubt  as  to  just  what  it  is  that  causes  the  Irish  complaints.  We  are 
told  that  other  countries  have  been  conquered  as  Ireland  has  been, 
and  yet  they  have  long  since  ceased  to  complain  of  the  conquest,  or 
even  to  think  about  it.  We  are  told  that  Irish  grievances  are  fanciful, 
not  real;  that  they  are  not  caused  by  injuries  which  are  actual,  but 
by  recollection  of  ancient  injuries  springing  from  laws  which  have  long 
since  been  repealed.  We  are  told  that  Ulster  is  prosperous  and  con¬ 
tended  while  the  rest  of  Ireland  is  discontented  and  poor  because  its 
people  are  improvident,  shiftless,  idle;  and  that  this  demand  for 
Irish  independence  merely  embodies — while  it  disguises — the  desire 
of  an  improvident,  shiftless,  idle  majority  to  obtain — and  abuse — 
the  power  of  taxation  over  a  thrifty  and  prosperous  Irish  minority. 

It  is  also  said  that  there  is  a  religious  question  involved;  that 
Ireland’s  refusal  to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  England  is  but  the 
intolerance  entertained  by  one  religious  sect  against  another — the 
disposition  of  Catholics  to  oppress  and  drive  Protestants  from  the 
country.  These,  I  think,  are  all  the  grounds  on  which  are  based 
opposition  to  recognition  of  the  Irish  republic.  They  are  set  forth 
in  a  brief  submitted  to  this  committee  by  certain  persons  claiming  to 
speak  for  Irish  Unionists,  which  I  have  just  been  permitted  to  read. 
Now,  if  these  statements  are  true,  if  Ireland  has  been  reduced  to  its 
present  condition  by  the  faults  or  vices  of  her  own  people,  sympathy 
for  them  would  be  useless.  They  are  incapable  of  improvement. 
They  must  inevitably  disappear  from  the  earth  which  they  encumber 
and  discredit.  But  if  the  evils  which  afflict  the  Irish  people  be  the 
direct  result  of  laws  which  have  produced  intolerable  conditions,  that 
still  exist  although  the  laws  themselves  have  been  repealed,  and  if  it  be 
true  that  England  has  shown  she  is  incapable  oi  doing  justice  in 
Ireland,  even  when  a  majority  of  the  English  people  are  really  anxious 
that  it  should  be  done,  and  the  English  Parliament  solemnly  resolved 
to  do  it,  then  there  can  be  but  one  outcome.  Either  English  rule  in 
Ireland  must  be  ended  or  the  Irish  people  must  be  exterminated. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


883 


That  is  the  alternative,  I  think  it  is  entirely  capable  of  demonstra¬ 
tion  that  the  Irish  people  can  not  be  exterminated,  and  extermination 
being  impossible,  emancipati(fn  is  imperative. 

Let  me  explain  to  you  why  it  is  that  although  these  oppressive 
laws  have  all  been  repealed,  the  conditions  thev  produced  still  con¬ 
tinue.  All  the  history  of  Ireland  ever  since  the  first  Norman  invasion 
has  been  an  unbroken  record  of  conquests,  and  seizure  of  lands — first 
the  devastation  of  land  always  followed  by  confiscation.  But  neither 
conquests  not  confiscation  sufficed  to  keep  the  country  permanently 
impoverished.  From  the  first  landing  of  Strongbow  in  1172  down  to 
the  final  overthrow  of  Irish  independence  by  William  III,  the  Irish 
people  after  each  invasion  and  devastation  restored  prosperity  with  a 
celerity  and  completeness  that  have  been  marvels  to  all  historians. 

Mountjoy,  under  Elizabeth,  reported  to  the  Queen  that  eve^thing 
capable  of  supporting  life  in  Ireland  had  been  burned  to  the  roots, 
that  the  whole  Irish  population  had  been  exterminated,  except  a  few 
fugitives  who  had  taken  refuge  in  morasses  where  they  could  not  be 
reached,  but  where,  for  lack  of  food,  they  must  inevitably  starve. 
And  yet  in  the  very  next  reign  Ireland  was  blooming  like  a  garden. 
In  the  time  of  Charles  I  the  prosperity  of  Ireland  had  already  awak¬ 
ened  the  envy  and  cupidity  of  Englishmen;  but  the  Irish,  with  that 
peculiar  sense  of  loyalty,  which  is  one  of  their  characteristics — often 
misdirected  because  carried  to  excess — having  embraced  the  side  of 
the  King,  fell  under  the  vengeance  of  Cromwell.  Again  the  island 
was  devastated  with  fire  and  sword.  The  whole  of  the  land  east  of  the 
Shannon  was  confiscated.  The  entire  native  population  outside  of 
many  thousands  who  were  slain,  and  other  thousands  sold  into  cap¬ 
tivity,  was  transported  west  of  the  Shannon  to  a  soil  which  was 
believed  to  be  so  sterile  that  it  could  not  afford  subsistence  to  human 
life.  Cromwell’s  brief  statement  of  his  policy  was  that  the  Irish  must 
go  “to  hell  or  to  Connaught.”  Well,  they  went  to  Connaught,  but 
they  did  not  go  to  hell  [laughter], Because  there  was  always  one  Irish 
champion  whom,  some  way  or  other,  the  British  arms  could  never 
overcome,  and  that  was  the  Irish  girl.  Any  Englishman  who  re¬ 
ceived  land  and  settled  upon  it  soon  fell  under  her  influence.  That 
was  already  so  clearly  apparent  in  the  time  of  Richard  II  that  he 
passed  the  statute  of  Kilkenny  forbidding  any  Englishman  who  had 
received  land  in  Ireland  from  marrying  an  Irish  woman.  But  the 
Irish  girl  was  too  strong  for  statutes.  She  continued  to  marry  the 
English  settler  in  the  teeth  of  all  prohibitions,  and  the  offspring  of 
those  marriages  were  the  strongest  Irish  patriots. 

Although  the  land  had  been  laid  waste  with  a  fury  hardly  ever 
paralleled  in  the  annals  of  mankind  by  the  English  Parliamentary 
forces,  first  under  Cromwell  and  after  him  under  Ireton  and  Ludlow, 
yet  when  William  III  in  the  next  generation  faced  a  patriot  Irish 
army,  a  large  part  of  it  was  composed  of  the  sons  of  those  Ironsides  to 
whom  Cromwell  granted  land  in  Ireland.  After  that  dreadful  Crom¬ 
wellian  devastation  the  recovery  of  her  prosperity  by  Ireland  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  II  is  declared  by  Macaulay  to  be  tiie  marvel  of  all 
history.  It  is  acknowledged  even  by  Fronde — who  will  not  be  sus¬ 
pected  of  any  partiality  toward  Ireland — that  in  the  reign  of  Charles 
II  practically  the  entire  transportation  of  goods  by  sea  from  the  Old 
World  to  the  New  was  carried  on  in  Irish  bottoms.  Irish  cattle  and 
horses  commanded  the  highest  prices  in  English  markets,  and  Irish 
woolen  products  were  considered  to  be  the  very  finest  in  the  world. 


135549°— 19 - 9 


884 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


Almost  immediately  after  bis  accession  this  king  for  whose  father 
Ireland  had  incurred  the  resentment  and  fury  of  Cromwell,  yielding 
to  representations  by  merchants  of  Bristol,  excluded  Ireland  from 
the  operation  of  the  navigation  act.  The  effect  of  this  was  a  total 
destruction  of  the  Irish  shipping  trade,  from  which  it  has  never 
recovered.  Next,  in  obedience  to  a  demand  of  English  agricultural 
interests,  exportation  of  Irish  cattle  and  horses  to  England  was 
prohibited.  That  reduced  property  in  livestock  to  one-tenth  of  its 
former  value.  But  the  woolen  industry  remained,  and  probably  from 
the  fact  that  the  energies  of  the  country  were  now  mainly  directed 
to  it,  and  the  whole  capital  of  the  nation  largely  absorbed  in  it,  the 
manufacture  of  Irish  cloth  expanded  to  a  degree  unapproached  in 
any  other  country  of  the  world. 

But  when  William  III  finally  established  his  authority  by  the 
victories  of  Aughrim  and  the  Boyne,  and  by  his  treason  at  Limerick 
the  surrender  of  which  he  accepted  on  terms  that  permitted  the 
garrison  to  march  out  of  the  city  and  the  country,  while  at  the  same 
time  guaranteeing  to  the  Irish  people  the  right  to  practice  their  faith, 
prosecute  their  trade  and  retain  their  property — a  treaty  that  was 
violated  the  moment  the  Irish  army  had  departed  from  Ireland), 
then  the  system  was  adopted  which  Edmund  Burke  has  described  in 
words  probably  familiar  to  every  one  of  you.  He  said  the  Irish 
penal  code  was  “as  well  fitted  for  the  oppression,  impoverishment  and 
degradation  of  a  feeble  people  and  the  debasement  in  them  of  human 
nature  as  has  ever  proceeded  from  the  perverted  ingenuity  of  manb 
That  system  produced  the  conditions  which  to-day  afflict  and  distress 
the  Irish  people  and  which  can  be  ended  only  by  ending  the  dominion 
of  England  over  the  country. 

After  all  former  confiscations  and  devastations  the  country 
recovered  rapidly  because  the  people  were  allowed  to  resume  posses¬ 
sion  of  the  land.  But  the  devilishly  ingenious  system  adopted  by 
William  III  and  his  immediate  successors  precluded  any  possibility 
of  an  Irishman  being  able  to  obtain  any  part  of  the  land  on  which 
he  lived. 

A  succession  of  statutes  enacted  during  50  years  resulted  in  a  body 
of  laws  under  which  no  Catholic — that  is  to  say  no  native  Irishman — 
could  hold  land.  The  whole  surface  of  the  island  had  been  confis¬ 
cated.  The  original  owners  of  the  soil  were  allowed  to  dwell  upon  it 
merely  as  tenants  at  will.  The  confiscated  lands  were  not  bestowed, 
as  in  former  cases,  upon  English  soldiers  who  settled  in  Ireland,  but 
upon  favorites  of  the  English  court  in  large  areas  of  5,000,  10,000, 
15,000  and  even  30,000  acres,  who  never  lived  in  Ireland,  who  never 
intended  to  live  in  it,  who  seldom  if  ever  visited  it.  Every  Catholic 
was  prohibited  not  merely  from  holding  land  but  from  leasing  it  for 
a  period  longer  than  5  years.  He  could  not  own  a  horse  worth  over 
5  pounds.  If  a  Catholic  appeared  in  a  public  place  mounted  on  a 
horse  any  Protestant  could  take  possession  of  the  animal  by  tendering 
the  rider  a  5-pound  note.  Beyond  impoverishing  the  Irish  people  it 
was  sought  to  accomplish  their  degradation  by  forbidding  the  educa¬ 
tion  of  youth.  The  only  element  of  the  community  capable  at  that 
time  of  imparting  education  was  the  clergy,  and  the  priest  who  taught 
a  school  was  declared  guilty  of  a  capital  offense.  The  spectacle  was 
common  of  a  priest’s  dead  body  hanging  in  chains,  executed  for  no 
other  offense  than  that  of  having  undertaken  to  instruct  an  Irish 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


885 


boy.  Not  content  with  seeking  to  accomplish  the  intellectual  degra¬ 
dation  of  the  people  these  statutes  sought  to  corrupt  their  morals  by 
undermining  the  foundations  of  the  family.  The  son  who  accused 
the  father  of  being  a  Catholic  and  proved  it  could  at  once  take  posses¬ 
sion  of  the  estate.  The  wife  who  informed  on  her  husband  was  at 
once  accorded  a  separate  and  independent  interest  in  his  property. 
So  that  wifely  loyalty  and  filial  piety;  every  emotion  which  in  civilized 
countries  is  considered  necessary  to  the  well-being  of  a  communitv, 
and  therefore  to  be  encouraged  by  government,  was  perverted  in 
Ireland  to  the  injury  of  morals  and  the  disruption  of  society. 

Under  this  system  the  people  hardly  ever  came  in  contact  with  the 
owners  of  the  soil.  In  almost  every  instance  an  agent  represented 
the  alien  landlord.  The  value  and  efficiency  of  that  agent  were  de¬ 
termined  by  the  amount  of  rent  which  he  could  extort  from  the  un¬ 
fortunate  occupants  of  the  land.  If  a  man  by  dint  of  arduous  labor 
improved  the  soil  he  occupied  and  made  it  more  valuable,  the  agent 
at  once  descended  upon  him  and  raised  the  rent.  Not  merely  were 
all  the  fruits  of  his  own  labor  confiscated  hut  all  his  neighbors  were 
promptly  informed  that  unless  they  made  their  soil  equally  fruitful 
and  raised  the  same  amount  of  crops,  that  is  to  say,  paid  the  same 
rent,  they  would  be  evicted.  And  eviction  was  death.  Not  merely 
was  industry  made  unprofitable  by  this  hellish  system;  it  was  made 
unpopular.  The  laborious  man  did  not  benefit  himself,  but  he 
brought  disaster  upon  his  whole  neighborhood.  The  unfortunates 
who  were  evicted  were  loft  to  starve  on  the  highways.  There  was 
no  other  occupation  in  which  they  could  find  a  livelihood  because, 
by  a  refinement  or  cruelty  that  is  almost  inconceivable,  the  only  in¬ 
dustry  that  survived  the  hostile  legislation  of  Charles  II — the  woolen 
industry — was  entirely  destroyed  by  William  III.  It  was  not  taxed 
out  of  existence.  It  was  not  made  to  bear  burdens  imposed  avowedly 
for  support  of  the  State,  which  prevented  it  from  bemg  prosperous. 
It  was  prohibited  absolutely  and  unconditionally.  All  existing  fac¬ 
tories  were  suppressed  and  the  people  were  forbidden,  under  heavy 
penalties,  from  attempting  to  engage  in  the  woolen  trade.  More 
than  that,  the  Irish  wool,  at  that  time — the  Australian  wool  not  yet 
having  become  available  for  the  world’s  necessities — was  of  a  pecu¬ 
liarly  valuable  character.  Not  merely  was  the  manufacture  of  woolen 
goods  prohibited  in  Ireland  but  exportation  of  Irish  wool  was  pro- 
liibited  to  any  place  except  six  English  cities,  the  idea  being  that  the 
English  manufacturers  by  these  restraints  would  be  enabled  to 
obtain  Irish  wool  on  his  own  terms.  But  there  was  an  extensive 
woolen  industry  in  the  low  countries  where  a  great  demand  arose  for 
Irish  wool  as  soon  as  its  manufacture  was  suppressed  in  Ireland. 

Wool  that  would  bring  6  pence  at  Bristol  commanded  1  shilling  and  7 
pence  in  Ypres  and  in  other  Flemish  towns.  Quite  naturally  smug¬ 
gling  of  Irish  wool  to  the  Continent  became  one  of  the  chief  occupa¬ 
tions  of  the  Irish  people.  But  the  worst  feature  of  this  oppressive 
measure  was  not  the  loss  of  money  or  of  property  that  it  entailed, 
jt  was  this:  Wool  being  contraband,  trade  in  it  could  not  he  prose¬ 
cuted  through  bills  of  exchange  and  other  devices  of  banking  which 
govern  commerce.  It  could  only  be  bartered  for  some  commodity 
not  easily  discovered,  for  everywhere  the  Irish  coast  was  patrolled 
by  British  officers  cliarged  with  the  duty  of  preventing  smuggling 
where  they  could,  and  punishing  the  smugglers  where  prevention 


886 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


was  impossible.  Wool  was  exchanged  mainly  for  Flemish  wines. 
This  extensive  importation  of  wines  was  the  cause  and  the  beginning 
of  that  intemperance  that  has  been  the  curse,  Senator  [turning  to 
Senator  Phelan],  of  your  country  and  of  mine,  of  your  race  and 
mine,  for  250  years.  Before  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  cen¬ 
tury  the  Irish  were  a  temperate  race.  But  the  example  of  the  well- 
to-do  consuming  expensive  wines  soon  caused  a  demand  for  coarser 
and  cheaper  intoxicants  by  the  less  prosperous.  To  meet  this 
demand  the  manufacture  of  illicit  whisky  became  extensive  and  the 
people  gradually  sank  into  that  dreadful  intemperance  from  which 
they  have  suffered  both  at  home  and  abroad  ever  since.  Mr.  Chair¬ 
man,  the  curse  of  this  intemperance  has  been  Ireland’s,  the  shame 
of  it  is  England’s. 

I  am  not  saying  this  on  my  own  authority.  Here  again,  sir,  I  am 
quoting  from  James  Anthony  Froude — the  apologist  of  English 
excesses  in  Ireland — who,  indeed,  seems  to  complain  that  if  these 
enormities  had  gone  further  the  race  would  have  been  exterminated 
and  the  Irish  question  settled  finally  and  without  appeal. 

Now  it  is  quite  true  that  these  proscriptive  laws  have  all  been 
repealed.  They  began  to  disappear  in  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  And  it  is  to  the  credit  and  glory  of  this  country  that  their 
disappearance  began  when  fugitive  Irishmen — Presbyterians  who  fled 
from  the  enforcement  of  the  test  acts  and  settled  m  Pennsylvania, 
and  Catholics  who  had  fled  from  other  parts  of  the  Island — were 
found  fighting  side  by  side  under  the  banner  of  Washington  for  free¬ 
dom,  justice,  and  right.  FTp  to  that  time  religious  proscriptions  were 
not  confined  to  Ireland.  They  were  universal.  They  were  based  on 
the  assumption  that  anything  like  diversity  of  religious  faith  among 
the  people  of  a  State  weakened  it,  and  therefore,  it  should  be  pre¬ 
vented  by  the  Government.  The  Hugenots  were  placed  under  serious 
disabilities  in  France,  so  were  the  Catholics  in  England.  But  in 
Ireland  it  was  the  distinctive  feature  of  these  proscriptive  measures 
that  they  were  not  intended  to  discourage  Catholicism  or  encourage 
Protestantism,  but  to  degrade  the  whole  people  by  plunging  them 
into  ignorance,  and  by  corrupting  every  avenue  through  which  could 
be  reinforced  those  virtues  and  qualities  that  are  considered  essential 
to  the  well-being  of  every  State.  In  Ireland  the  faith  professed  by 
the  people  was  proscribed  with  a  violence  which  nowadays  can 
hardly  be  understood.  And  this  fact  must  be  borne  in  mind  when 
you  consider  the  Irish  question.  It  is  the  only  country  in  the  world 
where  the  people  have  remained  steadfast  to  a  faith  that  had  been 
proscribed.  In  every  other  country  the  people  adopted  in  a  body 
the  religion  that  its  Government  established.  England  became  al¬ 
most  uniformly  Protestant,  or  at  least  non-Catholic  under  Henry 
VIII;  almost  uniformly  Catholic  again  under  Queen  Mary;  Protestant 
once  more  under  Queen  Elizabeth;  and  it  was  ready  for  another 
change  to  Catholicism — according  to  the  historians — if  James  II  had 
but  governed  with  a  little  more  sense.  And  so  the  religious  complex¬ 
ion  of  the  French  people  was  decided  by  the  result  of  the  religious 
wars. 

But  in  Ireland  the  majority  of  the  people  remained  immovably 
attached  to  the  faith  that  was  proscribed  and  prohibited  under 
drastic  penalties,  though  they  had  to  sacrifice  for  it  not  merely  every 
element  of  property  they  possessed  but  every  hope  of  improving  their 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


887 


condition.  The  extraordinary  thing  about  their  tenacity  in  this 
respect  is  that  it  was  maintained,  without  those  aids  to  fervor  which 
the  Catholic  liturgy  affords.  Such  a  thing  as  a  great  religious  cere¬ 
monial  had  not  occurred  in  the  country,  at  the  time  of  which  we  are 
speaking,  for  150  years.  Their  lands  confiscated,  their  faith  pro¬ 
scribed,  they  practiced  the  rites  of  their  church  crouching  in  garrets 
and  hiding  in  out-houses.  Driven  from  the  towns  and  villages,  they 
took  refuge  in  some  mountain  glen,  and  there,  under  the  broad 
canopy  of  heaven,  the  rains  falling  on  them,  oftentimes  knee-deep  in 
mud,  with  sentinels  posted  at  each  end  of  the  glen  watching  for  the 
priest  hunter,  who  was  an  established  feature  of  these  conditions,  all 
cotemporary  writers  agree  in  saying  they  worshipped  with  a  fervor 
never  shown  in  the  stateliest  cathedral  ever  raised  by  the  hands  of 
piety  to  the  worship  of  God.  Even  after  they  had  regained  the  right 
to  practice  their  faith  it  has  been  remarked  that  they  showed  very 
little  regard  for  its  ceremonials.  But  nothing  could  swerve  them  from 
attachment  to  its  tenets  and  teachings.  And  as  they  remained  immov¬ 
ably  attached  to  their  faith,  so  also  have  they  always  been  unswerv¬ 
ingly  steadfast  in  maintaining  their  national  life.  It  is  a  peculiar 
feature  of  this  determination  to  maintain  their  national  existence  that 
it  does  not  seem  to  be  based  on  any  hope  for  the  future.  This  is 
clearly  reflected  in  their  poetry,  which  is  perhaps  the  most  melancholy 
in  the  world,  as  it  certainly  is  among  the  most  beautiful.  I  am  one  of 
those  who  believe  that  sorrow  has  always  been  the  source  of  exquisite 
poetry.  I  have  never  known  a  sublime  note  to  be  inspired  by  pros¬ 
perity.  Not  merely  is  there  a  vein  of  profound  melancholy  through 
all  Irish  poetry,  but  it  never  expresses  any  hope  for  the  future.  Yet 
there  is  never  a  note  of  despair  in  it.  Every  line  of  it  breathes  the 
determination  of  Irishmen  to  love  the  old  sod,  maintain  the  old  faith, 
preserve  the  old  race,  though  they  never  again  should  see  the  light  of 
freedom.  Moore  describing  the  Ilarp  of  Tara,  silent,  abandoned,  the 
chord  alone  that  breaks  during  the  night,  telling  the  tale  of  its  ruin, 
concludes: 

Thus  Freedom  now  so  seldom  speaks, 

The  only  throb  she  gives, 

Is  when  some  heart  indignant  breaks, 

To  show  that  still  she  lives. 

Freedom  has  indeed  lived  in  the  hearts  of  Irishmen  under  all  cir¬ 
cumstances;  under  the  darkest  skies  without  any  hope  of  deliverance. 
Even  when  there  was  no  chance  for  Irish  arms  to  fight  for  it,  there 
was  always  an  Irish  heart  ready  to  break  for  it.  Freedom,  though 
denied  them  as  a  possession,  has  always  remained  an  aspiration  from 
which  they  never  could  be  separated.  Such  a  people  can  not  be 
seduced  from  their  ideals  nor  diverted  from  asserting  their  right  to 
nationhood.  Such  a  people  can  not  be  dubdued,  and,  therefore,  Sen¬ 
ators,  I  submit  to  you  with  all  frankness  and  perfect  confidence  that 
the  only  alternative  which  the  Irish  question  presents  is  extermination 
or  emancipation  of  the  Irish  people.  You  Senators,  to  whom  is  con¬ 
fided  the  treaty-making  power  of  this  Government,  will  not  suffer  the 
destruction  of  such  a  race  as  this,  and  if  you  will  not  suffer  it  to  be 
destroyed,  then  you  must  insist  that  it  be  free.  There  is  no  alter¬ 
native.  [Applause.] 


888 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


Now,  with  respect  to  the  religious  question:  It  can  not  be  denied 
that  Ireland  has  been  torn  by  religious  antagonism.  But  the  cause 
of  this  is  perfectly  simple.  And  it  should  be  remembered  that  when¬ 
ever  the  Irish  succeeded  in  establishing  control  over  the  government 
of  their  own  country,  as  they  did  at  intervals — in  1642  and  again  in 
16S8 — the  first  act  of  the  Catholics  when  they  became  dominant  was 
to  declare  absolute  religious  freedom  for  all.  The  reason  why  religious 
antagonisms  have  divided  the  Irish  people  is  because  in  that  country 
religion  was  made  the  test  of  political  rights  and  property  rights. 
When  a  man  could  be  ousted  of  his  property  because  he  was  a  Catholic 
(and  that  by  a  person  bound  to  him  by  the  closest  ties  of  kinship); 
when  a  man  could  be  deprived  of  the  horse  he  rode  by  a  total  stranger 
on  the  tender  of  a  5-pound  note  because  he  was  a  Catholic;  when  he 
was  excluded  from  every  office  under  his  government  and  denied  the 
right  even  to  educate  his  child  because  he  did  not  profess  the  faith 
established  by  law,  it  was  inevitable  that  the  victims  of  such  oppres¬ 
sion  and  the  beneficiaries  of  it  would  be  influenced  by  hostility  against 
each  other. 

I  should  add  here,  in  order  to  explain  why  Ulster  was  prosperous 
while  the  rest  of  the  country  sank  into  misery  growing  ever  deeper, 
that  a  totally  different  system  of  laws  prevailed  in  the  one  place 
from  that  which  governed  the  other.  In  Ulster,  ever  since  it3 
“plantation”  by  James  I,  there  was  in  force  what  is  called  “Ulster 
Tenant  Right.”  Under  it  the  occupant  of  the  soil  could  till  it  and 
improve  it  with  a  certainty  that  every  improvement  he  made  was 
his  property  to  enjoy  it  while  he  remained  in  occupation. 

The  landlords  had  no  longer  any  inducement  to  remain  in  the 
country.  Again  they  became  absentees,  and  the  remarkable  pros¬ 
perity  produced  by  that  short  period  of  independence  was  changed 
to  a  long,  unbroken  period  of  progressive  decay.  Again  the  rack- 
renting  agent  drew  from  the  soil  everything  which  it  yielded  beyond 
what  sufficed  to  afford  its  cultivators  the  barest  subsistence.  And 
for  this  chance  to  live  there  was  the  fiercest  competition  among  the 
members  of  the  wretched  population,  each  one  eagerly  bidding 
against  all  others  for  the  privilege  of  cultivating  the  land  upon  any 
terms  whatever.  Under  this  competition  conditions  of  life  sank  so 
low  that  the  Irish  peasant  never  tasted  meat  from  one  year’s  end  to 
the  other.  The  potato  became  the  sole  support  of  his  existence. 
And  when  in  the  years  of  ’46  and  ’47  there  was  a  general  failure  of 
the  potato  crop  throughout  Europe  it  was  a  source  of  loss  to  the  people 
in  other  countries,  but  in  Ireland  it  caused  actual  starvation.  We 
often  hear  of  the  “famine”  in  Ireland.  But  strictly  speaking  there 
was  no  famine.  While  the  people  were  dying  by  hundreds  of  thou¬ 
sands  for  lack  of  food,  there  passed  before  their  eyes  along  the  high¬ 
ways  droves  of  cattle,  wagons  laden  with  foodstuffs,*  all  products  of 
their  own  labor  sent  out  of  the  country  to  be  sold  and  the  proceeds 
paid  to  alien  landlords. 

In  any  other  country  in  the  world  these  abundant  supplies  would 
have  been  seized  and  the  people  would  have  used  them  to  avert 
hunger.  In  Ireland  an  exaggerated  sense  of  property  led  the  people 
to  perish  of  starvation  rather  then  take  what  according  to  law  belonged 
to  the  landlord.  But  it  is  said,  Ireland  is  governed  by  exactly 
the  same  law  as  England  with  respect  to  land.  Quite  true,  but  the 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


889 


conditions  established  under  these  laws  in  the  two  countries  are 
widely  different.  The  English  landlord  always  lives  upon  his  estate, 
the  Irish  landlord  seldom  if  ever.  The  English  landlord  has  always 
held  himself  to  be  the  chief  of  an  industrial  family,  the  head  of  a  great 
industrial  organization,  dividing  the  whole  product  of  the  soil  with 
those  who  have  aided  in  cultivating  it. 

I  know  of  nothing  more  impressive  in  civilized  life  than  the  manner 
in  which  these  English  lords  of  the  soil  exercise  their  ownership 
over  it  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  who  cultivate  it  and  for  the  glory 
of  their  comitry.  The  manor  house  which  to  many  casual  observers 
is  a  mere  abode  of  elegant  luxury  is  actually  to  the  great  agricultural 
organization  of  which  its  owner  is  the  head,  what  the  countinghouse 
is  to  a  factory.  From  it  the  landlord  directs  all  the  energies  of  his 
tenants  and  dependents.  This  landlord  is  never  “off  his  job”  for  a 
moment.  Even  in  his  amusements  he  is  always  discharging  his 
duty,  fulfilling  his  task. 

We  often  hear  of  the  claret-drinking,  fox-hunting  squire,  as  though 
his  wholo  life  were  devoted  to  the  consumption  of  wine  and  the 
hunting  of  foxes,  and  he  does  spend  a  good  part  of  his  time  in  these 
agreeable  occupations.  [Laughter.]  But  when  he  is  hunting  over 
his  own  fields  and  those  of  his  neighbors  he  is  scrutinizing  his  fences 
and  the  condition  of  his  farmers’  and  laborers’  cottages  and  comparing 
them  with  conditions  existing  on  the  estates  of  other  landlords. 
When  he  is  shooting  he  may  be  conscious  of  nothing  except  a  desire 
to  kill  partridge  or  snipe,  but  to  roach  this  game  he  must  walk 
through  the  stubble  in  which  the  birds  are  concealed  and  there  he  is 
necessarily  informed  of  the  manner  in  which  the  field  is  cultivated  by 
his  tenant.  If  the  fences  are  broken,  cultivation  of  the  field  inefficient, 
cottages  dropping  into  decay,  the  tenant  is  required  to  explain. 
If  that  tenant  can  show  that  he  is  not  responsible  for  these  conditions 
and  could  not  avoid  them  the  landlord  himself  always  feels  bound 
to  repair  them.  If,  for  instance,  the  tenant  by  reason  of  a  large 
and  growing  family  finds  himself  unable  to  continue  paying  the  rent 
he  had  previously  paid,  no  English  landlord  would  ever  think  of 
evicting  him.  The  opinion  of  his  own  order  would  forbid  it.  To 
throw  a  deserving  man  out  on  the  highway  who  for  reasons  beyond 
his  control  was  no  longer  able  to  pay  his  rent  would  be  an  offense 
against  his  obligations  as  a  gentleman,  almost  worse  then  cheating 
at  cards.  But  while  public  opinion  in  England  makes  the  landlord 
a  trustee  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  under  his  direction  cultivate  the 
soil,  the  Irish  landlord,  who  seldom  lived  in  the  country  or  saw  his 
property,  was  under  no  restraint  whatever  in  dealing  with  his  tenants, 
rlis  solo  object  was  to  obtain  and  enjoy  the  uttermost  penny  that 
his  agent  could  extort  from  them.  And  thus  it  came  to  pass  that 
the  very  same  man — and  I  am  speaking  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  of 
matters  within  my  own  knowledge — who  in  England  is  the  very 
embodiment  of  paternal  care  for  his  tenants,  would  suffer  an  estate 
owned  by  him  in  Ireland  to  be  administered  with  a  ruthless  cruelty 
which  produced  conditions  difficult  for  us  to  conceive  in  this  country. 
The  absentee  Irish  landlord,  though  he  was  oppressive,  was  not  always 
consciously  cruel  in  the  treatment  of  his  tenants.  The  system  made 
him  a  tyrant  or  at  least  tempted  him  to  tyranny  even  when  he 
himself  was  naturally  well  disposed. 


890 


TREATY  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


One  man  of  my  own  acquaintance  who  is  still  living,  and  wrho 
occupies  a  very  prominent  position  to-day  in  English  public  life, 
the  younger  son  of  a  great  noble,  became  a  naval  officer  and  received 
from  his  father  when  he  came  of  age,  a  property  that  yielded  about 
£1,000  a  year.  This  property  which  lie  had  never  seen  was  managed 
by  an  agent.  He  went  on  the  turf  and  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks 
the  thousand  pounds  which  constituted  his  annual  income  passed 
from  his  pockets  into  those  of  enterprising  bookmakers.  As  was 
usual  with  Irish  landlords  living  out  of  the  country,  he  wrote  a 
letter  to  his  agent  asking  if  he  could  not  send  him  some  more  money. 
The  agent  answered  that  the  income  from  his  property  might  easily 
be  doubled.  “Why  the  mischief  then  don’t  you  double  it,”  he 
asked.  “I  want  to  be  sure,”  the  agent  answered,  “that  I  will  be 
sustained.”  Now  this  man  is  quite  an  extraordinary  person,  gifted 
with  a  mind  singularly  effective  in  analysis.  Concluding  from  the 
agent’s  statement  that  there  was  something  about  the  matter  which 
needed  explanation,  he  resolved  to  visit  the  estate  and  ascertain 
for  himself  the  real  condition.  The  agent  met  him  and  escorted 
him  over  the  property,  showing  him  various  farms  for  which  the 
rentals  paid  he  said  were  entirely  inadequate,  and  finally  reached  one 
which  seemed  to  be  particularly  well  kept  and  prosperous.  1  ‘  There,  ” 
said  the  agent,  “is  one  of  the  best  farms  on  the  estate.  It  is  easily 
worth  2  guineas  an  acre,  and  all  that  the  tenant  pays  for  it  is  2  and 
6  pence.”  When  the  landlord  asked  why  the  higher  rental  was  not 
obtained  for  it  the  agent  asnwered  that  when  rentals  had  been 
raised  on  Irish 'estates  the  agents  always  incurred  bitter  enmity. 
This  they  were  prepared  to  face,  but  they  had  not  always  been  sus¬ 
tained  by  their  principals.  And  this  particular  agent  before  he  took 
any  steps  to  increase  rentals  wanted  to  be  assured  that  he  would 
be  supported  by  the  landlord  in  any  trouble  that  might  ensue. 

Now,  this  particular  landlord  from  his  entrance  into  the  naval 
service,  had  always  made  it  a  rule  when  anything  under  his  authority 
went  wrong  to  go  and  ascertain  the  cause  of  it  for  himself.  Even 
after  he  rose  to  be  an  admiral — -I  may  as  well  say  that  the  man  of 
whom  I  speak  is  Lord  Charles  Beresford — if  an  engine  on  any  ship 
of  his  fleet  was  reported  out  of  order  he  never  contented  himself  with 
sending  an  engineer  officer  to  find  out  what  was  the  matter.  He 
always  ordered  a  boat  lowered  and  went  and  ascertained  it  himself. 
And  so  when  the  agent  made  this  statement  about  the  farm  renting 
at  wrhat  appeared  to  be  such  an  extraordinarily  low  rate  Lord  Charles 
concluded  that  he  would  go  and  see  the  tenant  personally  and  get  his 
side  of  the  matter.  The  following  morning  he  appeared  at  the 
cottage  door  and  was  welcomed  by  the  occupant,  whose  name  I 
think  was  Monahan.  To  enter  a  house  in  Ireland  no  introduction  is 
necessary.  Anyone  who  appears  on  the  threshold  is  sure  of  a  cordial 
reception.  After  exchanging  a  few  pleasant  words  with  Mr.  Monahan, 
Lord  Charles  made  some  observations  on  the  excellence  of  the  farm. 
Now,  an  Irishman  who  receives  congratulations  on  the  farm  he 
occupies  always  discerns  in  the  compliment  a  potential,  if  not  prob¬ 
able  rise  of  rental.  And  so  when  Lord  Charles  asked  him  how  it 
happened  that  he  only  paid  2  and  6  pence  an  acre  for  land  easily 
worth  2  guineas,  the  tenant  said,  “  And  may  I  ask,  sir,  why  you  busy 
yourself  about  my  farm,  or  the  rent  I  pay?”  Whereupon  Lord 
Charles  said,  “I  am  your  landlord.”  And  then  this  man,  well-nigh 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


891 


80  years  of  age,  broke  down  and  wept  like  a  child.  The  dread  stroke, 
which  every  Irish  tiller  of  the  soil  who  has  made  it  productive  always 
apprehends,  seemed  to  have  fallen.  In  piteous  accents  he  sobbed, 
“Oh,  my  lord,  for  the  love  of  God,  don’t  take  the  farm  from  me.  It 
is  true  I  am  paying  but  2  and  6  pence  an  acre  for  it,  but  when  I  came 
here  that  land  was  not  worth  6  pence  an  acre.  The  value  it  has 
to-day  is  the  result  of  work  put  into  it  by  me  and  my  boys  during  the 
last  50  years.”  Four  sons,  the  oldest  nearly  50,  tne  youngest  over 
40  years  of  age,  had  all  spent  their  lives  in  helping  him  to  effect  this 
improvement.  “My  lord,”  ho  said,  “I  will  give  you  half  of  it,  I 
will  pay  1  guinea  an  acre,  but  let  me  keep  the  rest,”  and  Lord 
Charles  said,  “No,  Mr.  Monahan,  I  am  sorely  in  need  of  money  but 
I  would  have  to  be  much  harder  up  before  I  could  take  away  from 
you  the  fiuits  of  jTour  life  work  and  of  your  four  sons.  Keep  your 
farm  at  2  and  6  pence  an  acre  as  long  as  you  live.” 

Now,  suppose  this  particular  landlord  had  not  taken  the  trouble  to 
ascertain  for  himself  just  how  his  agent  could  have  increased  the 
rentals  of  his  property,  that  tenant  and  his  four  sons  would  have  been 
evicted,  turned  out  on  the  road  to  die,  unless  they  could  obtain 
enough  money  to  buy  a  passage  to  this  country.  And  in  just  that 
way  and  under  just  such  conditions  hundreds  of  thousands — aye, 
millions— of  Irishmen,  victims  of  this  accursed  system,  have  been 
driven  from  their  own  hearthstone  to  seek  asylums  in  this  country 
and  other  lands  beyond  the  sea.  But  their  love  of  Ireland  instead  of 
diminishing,  grew  deeper  by  absence  from  the  soil.  That  love  they 
have  transmitted  to  tneir  children,  and  to  their  children’s  children, 
many  of  whom  have  never  seen  the  country  which  they  love  with, an 
ardor  that  is  unquenchable.  It  is  this  greater  Ireland  beyond  the 
seas  which  rises  now  to  denounce  that  accursed  system  before  the  bar 
of  public  opinion  throughout  the  world.  The  conscience  of  Christen¬ 
dom  has  already  decreed  that  the  system  must  end.  And  I  pray, 
Senators,  that  you  will  not,  by  ratifying  the  treaty,  prevent  the 
United  States  from  proving  itself,  through  all  the  years  to  come,  as 
it  has  been  in  the  years  that  are  past,  the  most  effective  agent  in 
enforcing  the  decrees  of  civilization  in  favor  of  liberty  and  justice. 

So  you  see  the  conditions  produced  by  the  abhorrent  laws  of  the 
eighteenth  century  have  continued  down  to  the  present  day.  The 
laws  themselves  have  been  repealed  but  the  conditions  they  pro¬ 
duced  remain.  It  is  true  that  in  law  Irishmen  can  now  purchase 
property  and  hold  it  without  any  disqualification  on  the  ground  of 
religion.  But  practically  land  in  Ireland  was,  until  very  recent 
years,  absolutely  unattainable;  first,  because  the  Irishmen,  excluded 
from  all  avenues  of  productive  industry  for  generations,  had  not  the 
capital  wherewith  to  purchase  land.  And  if  by  any  chance  he 
became  possessed  of  sufficient  means  to  purchase  land,  it  was  a  point 
of  honor  among  the  landlords  not  to  sell.  Thus  conditions  originally 
produced  by  law  have  been  perpetuated  through  custom.  They 
continued  unbroken  until  the  Wyndham  act  of  1902  was  passed. 

The  results  produced  by  that  measure  before  the  war  were  amply 
sufficient  to  convince  the  most  skeptical  that  the  wonderful  industrial 
efficiency  which  enabled  the  Irish,  after  every  devastation  of  their 
country,  to  restore  prosperity  in  an  incredibly  short  space  of  time 
so  long  as  they  were  allowed  to  regain  access  to  their  soil,  had  not 


892 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


deserted  them  or  diminished  in  the  slightest  degree.  Just  consider 
for  a  moment  the  immediate  effects  of  that  legislation.  Remember 
that  by  this  measure  the  Irish  land  was  not  taken  from  the  landlord 
and  given  to  the  tenants  without  compensation  of  any  kind  as  it 
had  been  originally  taken  from  its  occupiers.  It  was  taken  at  a  high 
valuation,  and  after  this  high  valuation  had  been  fixed  by  mutual  con¬ 
sent  12  per  cent  in  addition  was  given  to  the  sellers  as  a  bonus.  ’  That 
was  all  charged  upon  the  land,  the  occupier  of  which  was  empowered  to 
take  possession  and  to  become  the  absolute  owner  on  paying  the 
total  amount  of  the  purchase  price  in  installments  extending  over 
62  years — I  think  that  was  the  number  of  years.  Under  that  law 
one-half  of  the  land  of  Ireland  passed  into  ownership  of  its  occupiers. 
The  transfer  involved  some  twelve  hundred  thousand  transactions. 
And,  what  absolutely  seems  to  transcend  the  possibilities  of  human 
capacity,  there  was  not  a  single  default,  so  far  as  I  know,  in  fulfilling 
any  of  these  agreements.  Never  in  the  history  of  man  have  trans¬ 
actions  on  a  scale  so  stupendous  occurred  without  a  single  breach  of 
agreement. 

Not  merely  was  the  letter  of  every  agreement  observed  by  the 
Irish,  but  they  cultivated  the  soil  thus  restored  to  them  with  such 
energy  and  efficiency  that  by  1914  they  had  already  effected  a  won¬ 
derful  revolution  in  their  condition.  The  cabins — the  hideous, 
noisome  cabins  which  I  myself  remember,  in  which  we  would  not 
suffer  a  pig  to  exist  now,  where  human  beings,  9  and  10  in  number, 
and  animals,  if  they  were  lucky  enough  to  have  a  pig  or  two,  dwelt 
together  promiscuously  under  a  few  sods  placed  against  an  upright 
pole,  an  open  space  at  the  top  allowing  smoke  from  turf  and  such 
articles  as  they  burned,  to  escape — have  all  disappeared.  Decent 
white-washed  cottages  have  replaced  them.  Implements  of  industry 
are  kept  in  excellent  order.  I  never  saw  better  horses  anywhere 
than  in  Ireland  while  I  motored  through  it  in  1913.  It  seemed  as  if 
the  Irish  people  were  once  more  on  the  very  threshold  of  a  prosperity 
such  as  had  blessed  the  land  between  1782  and  1800 — the  monuments 
of  which  are  those  beautiful  buildings  that  ornament  the  city  of 
Dublin  to  the  admiration  of  visitors  from  every  part  of  the  world. 

At  this  time  while  prosperity  was  returning  apace,  and  prospects 
brightening  steadily,  the  British  Government  undertook  to  pass  a 
measure  of  home  rule,  encouraged  doubtless  by  the  excellent  use 
which  the  Irish  people  had  been  making  of  their  land.  This  measure 
did  not  in  fact  provide  for  home  rule  at  all.  The  body  it  proposed 
to  create  was  not  a  parliament,  but  a  commission  to  propose  measures 
for  the  English  Parliament.  Certain  subjects  were  relegated  to 
this  new  body  but  the  power  of  the  English  Parliament  over  it  was 
supreme — so  complete  that  not  merely  was  the  right  reserved  to 
set  aside  any  act  which  the  Irish  Parliament  might  pass  but  where 
that  parliament  had  acted  on  a  subject  entirely  within  its  jurisdiction 
the  British  Parliament  was  free  to  pass  a  different  act,  and  this  act 
of  the  Imperial  Body  was  to  prevail  as  the  supreme  law  of  the  land. 
Here  surely  was  a  measure  which  the  most  radical  English  opponent 
of  Irish  home  rule  could  well  have  afforded  to  accept.  Though  it 
did  not  establish  an  Irish  Government  in  any  sense  of  the  word  yet 
the  Irish  representatives  who  then  appeared  to  speak  for  the  majority 
of  the  people,  accepted  it.  And  there  was  every  reason  to  believe 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


893 


that  its  enactment  might  effect  a  complete  settlement  of  this  diffi¬ 
culty  which  for  centuries  had  disturbed  the  peace  of  mankind.  But 
a  number  of  Ulsterites  encouraged  by  leading  politicians  of  England 
(openly  by  all  the  Tories  and  secretly  by  many  of  the  so-called  Lib¬ 
erals)  resolved  to  resist  by  arms  the  establishment  of  anything  re¬ 
sembling  a  government  in  Ireland  even  though  the  limitations  of  its 
powers  reduced  it  to  little  more  than  a  shadow  or  simulacrum  of 
government.  These  men  were  among  the  most  prominent  of  the 
community.  They  organized  regiments,  paraded  them  in  public 
reviews  and  audaciously  importea  100,000  stands  of  arms  to  be  em¬ 
ployed  against  the  British  Government  if  it  undertook  to  enforce  a 
home  rule  act. 

Mr.  Carson,  who  had  been  a  high  official  of  the  crown,  organized 
what  he  called  a  provisional  government  and  one,  F.  E.  Smith,  who 
is  not  an  Irishman,  who  has  not  a  drop  of  Irish  blood  in  his  veins, 
who  had  no  connection  whatever  bv  blood  or  property  with  the 
island,  came  over  to  Belfast,  visited  various  places  in  Ulster  and 
joined  in  arrangements  to  resist  establishment  of  home  rule.  After 
this  rebellion  had  been  proclaimed  and  its  forces  actually  organized, 
the  Irish  nationalists,  who,  mind  you,  were  maintaining  in  office,  the 
British  Government  then  in  power  (it  did  not  command  a  majority 
in  parliament,  except  by  the  votes  of  Irish  members)  undertook  to 
organize  a  volunteer  force  for  the  purpose  of  supporting  enforce¬ 
ment  of  the  home  rule  measure.  And  then  what  happened?  This 
Government,  maintained  in  office  by  Irish  votes,  forbade  by  procla¬ 
mation  admission  of  arms  into  Ireland,  after  the  Ulsterites  had 
obtained  arms  sufficient  to  equip  the  regiments  they  had  organized 
for  rebellion  but  before  the  nationalists  volunteers  were  able  to 
obtain  any  military  equipment  whatever.  But  even  this  did  not 
satisfy  these  audacious  rebels.  Disregarding  the  proclamation  of 
the  Government  and  flouting  its  authority  they  brought  a  cargo  of 
aims  into  an  Irish  port  and  were  suffered  to  land  them  without 
molestation  or  interference.  Their  defiance  of  authority  was  in 
fact  treated  as  an  excellent  joke  and  became  a  subject  of  laughter. 
Gun  running  promised  to  become  the  favorite  sport  of  these  char¬ 
tered  rebels — chartered  by  the  very  Government  they  were  defying. 
But  when  the  nationalists  undertook  to  bring  in  a  cargo  of  arms  the 
British  soldiery  appeared  upon  the  spot  and  with  bayonet  and  bullet 
prevented  them  from  landing  a  single  rifle,  shooting  down  women 
and  children  who  happened  to  be  spectators.  And  so  sedition  was 
preached  and  practised  with  impunity  in  Ulster  while  Irish  national¬ 
ist  volunteers  when  they  attempted  to  sustain  the  Government 
were  prosecuted  and  dispersed  by  order  of  the  very  men  they  kept 
in  office.  But  even  that  was  not  all. 

Under  a  newT  development  of  the  British  constitution  a  measure 
may  become  lav/  notwithstanding  its  rejection  by  the  House  of  Lords 
after  it  has  been  enacted  three  times  in  the  House  of  Commons.  This 
home  rule  bill  had  been  enacted  once,  and  while  the  second  enactment 
was  in  progress  the  military  authorities — not  the  volunteers — but 
the  regularly  organized  military  forces  of  the  Empire  encamped  at 
Kildare — were  notified  that  possible  violence  in  Ulster  might  require 
intervention,  by  the  soldiery  to  overcome  it.  And  forthwith  all  the 
high  officers,  with  the  exception  of  Gen.  Paget,  resigned  their  commis- 


894 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


sions  and  announced  they  would  not  draw  their  swords  to  maintain 
the  authority  of  their  Government  because  it  would  be  drawing  them 
in  behalf  of  a  cause  which  the  Irish  people  supported  and  against 
the  Ulsterites  who  were  their  personal  mends  and  with  whose  openly 

Ero  cl  aimed  intention  to  resist  by  arms  the  operation  of  a  law  enacted 
y  the  British  Parliament  they  were  in  full  sympathy.  And  these 
mutinous  officers,  instead  of  being  court-martialed,  degraded,  dis¬ 
charged,  and  shot,  were  not  even  questioned.  Not  merely  were  they 
suffered  to  retain  their  commissions,  but  most  of  them  were  actually 
advanced  to  higher  commands. 

Can  you  wonder  at  what  followed  ?  The  Great  War  came  on.  Mr. 
Redmond,  acting  for  the  nationalists,  pledged  the  Irish  people  to 
support  the  British  cause.  I  think  he  made  a  capital  mistake  when 
he  said,  that  the  Irish  people  would  be  satisfied  to  wait  for  enforcement 
of  the  home  rule  bill  after  the  war  was  over.  However,  this  may  be, 
certain  it  is  that  when  the  enlistments  opened  Irishmen  went  to  the 
colors  in  great  numbers.  The  nationalist  leaders  asked  that  these 
Irish  soldiers  be  performed  separately  so  that  such  deeds  of  valor  as 
they  accomplished  would  redound  to  the  glory  of  their  race.  The 
request  was  denied.  They  were  drafted  into  various  regiments  and 
companies.  But  wherever  the  fortunes  of  war  were  desperate  and 
the  casualties  heaviest  there  Irishmen  were  found  in  numbers  far  in 
excess  of  the  proportion  they  bore  to  the  entire  body  of  the  British 
soldiery.  And  though  they  suffered  heavier  losses  than  any  other 
men  in  the  English  service,  their  sacrifices  were  allowed  to  pass  unre¬ 
warded  and  indeed  unnoticed. 

But  worse  was  to  follow.  While  Irish  nationalists  were  dying  by 
thousands  under  the  British  colors,  repeating  the  sacrifices  and  services 
of  their  ancestors  at  Flanders  a  century  earlier,  it  was  resolved  by  the 
British  Government  to  arrest  the  leaders  of  the  nationalist  volunteers 
and  seize  such  arms  as  might  be  found  in  their  possession.  That  purpose 
having  become  known  it  provoked  immediate  spontaneous  resistance. 
Without  preparation  or  opportunity  to  rally  even  the  scanty  force 
they  could  command  these  Irishmen  arose  in  revolt.  Numbering 
less  than  2,000  they  held  two  entire  British  divisions  at  bay  for  over 
a  week.  And  when,  after  a  display  of  gallantry  at  which  the  world 
has  wondered,  and  without  having  committed  any  excesses  as  their 
bitterest  enemies  acknowledged  they  laid  down  their  arms,  the 
leaders  (some  17  in  number),  were  shot  in  cold  blood.  These  men 
were  the  very  flower  of  Irish  life.  The  officials  who  took  the  lead,  in 
butchering  them  or  in  directing  their  butchery  were  the  very  men 
who  had  themselves  preached  rebellion  and  resistance  to  the  Govern¬ 
ment.  Once  more  the  very  best  in  the  land,  men  of  resplendent 
genius,  of  virtue  personal  and  civic,  absolutely  unspotted  and  untar¬ 
nished,  were  slaughtered,  and  over  their  dead  bodies  the  basest  were 
rising  to  conspicuous  positions.  The  same  accursed  system  that 
raised  Emmet  to  the  scaffold  and  Norbury  to  the  peerage  has  in 
these  days  sent  the  brightest  ornaments  of  Irish  life  to  stand  before 
a  firing  squad,  and  raised  to  the  English  woolsack  the  man  who  had 
counselled  the  course  these  victims  pursued. 

Now  this  simple  narrative  of  facts  which  we  all  remember,  demon¬ 
strates,  it  seems  to  me  beyond  a  question,  the  absolute  incapacity  of 
England  to  do  justice  in  Ireland.  Everywhere  else  her  rule  may  be 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


895 


beneficent.  In  her  own  country  she  maintains  a  government  cer¬ 
tainly  better  than  any  other  in  Europe.  Many  think  it  the  best  in 
the  world.  But  in  Ireland,  by  the  confession  of  everyone,  her  own 
statesmen  included,  her  attempt  to  govern  the  country  has  been  the 
most  wretched  failure  in  the  whole  range  of  human  annals.  The 
reason  for  it  is  plain.  It  arises  from  a  difficulty  that  is  insuperable. 
For  nearly  250  years  all  legislation  in  Ireland  has  proceeded  on  the 
assumption  that  the  Ulsterite  is  a  superior  being,  and  that  all  other 
Irishmen  are  his  inferiors.  This,  though  fantastically  absurd,  is  not 
to  be  wondered  at.  Because  you  can  not  very  well  rob  a  man  and 
then  admit  that  he  is  your  equal  or  that  he  is  possessed  of  any 
merit  whatever.  You  must  admit  and  declare  him  unfit  to  enjoy 
either  liberty  or  property  at  the  same  time  that  you  despoil  him  in 
order  to  justify  the  spoilation.  English  writers  and  politicians  are 
driven  in  self-defense  to  contend  that  the  Irish  are  a  shiftless,  worth¬ 
less,  thriftless  race,  the  Ulsterites  embodiments  of  industrial  effi¬ 
ciency  and  frugality.  In  support  of  the  misrepresentation  they 
quote  the  prosperity  of  Ulster,  always  omitting  to  point  out  that  it 
enjoyed  the  essential  conditions  of  prosperous  commerce  while  the 
rest  of  Ireland  was  excluded  from  them.  The  different  treatment 
always  extended  by  British  Government  (no  matter  what  party  con¬ 
trolled  it)  to  the  different  parts  of  Ireland,  can  not  be  explained 
upon  any  other  theory.  Remember,  it  was  not  only  English  tories 
who  have  discriminated  against  one  set  of  Irishmen  in  favor  of  the 
other.  Liberal  Englishmen  have  done  it  in  even  a  more  marked 
degree.  It  was  a  so-called  liberal  government  kept  in  office  by 
Irish  votes  that  persecuted  and  suppressed  the  Irish  nationalist 
volunteers  who  sought  to  support  the  measure  of  the  British  Govern¬ 
ment  and  encouraged  the  Ulsterite  recalcitrants  who  proclaimed  their 
intention  to  rebel  against  a  law  which  aimed  to  do  a  faint  measure 
of  justice  in  Ireland. 

All  of  which  shows  conclusively  that  England  can  not  do  justice  in 
Ireland.  She  is  absolutely  incapable  of  it.  Even  when  she  has  tried 
to  do  it,  she  has  failed  signally  and  dismally.  I  believe  that  the  ma¬ 
jority  of  the  English  people  were  really  anxious  to  establish  home  rule 
in  Ireland  before  the  war.  They  had  voted  in  favor  of  it.  Their  rep¬ 
resentatives  in  Parliament  enacted  it,  and  yet  when  it  came  to 
putting  it  in  operation  forces  too  strong  for  the  Government  were 
able  to  prevent  it. 

And  all  of  this,  Senators,  I  believe,  leads  to  one  conclusion.  Ireland 
must  be  released  from  this  incubus.  She  must  be  delivered  from  this 
body  of  death,  called  English  rule.  She  can  not  continue  to  exist 
under  it.  She  will  not.  She  would  not  deserve  to  exist  if  she  accepted 
these  conditions  of  degradation.  She  will  never  accept  them.  Pier 
whole  history  shows  that.  There  is  no  way  in  which  her  national 
spirit  can  be  quenched.  Efforts  the  most  ruthless,  backed  by  the 
utmost  power  of  England  continued  through  centuries,  have  failed  to 
destroy  Ireland’s  nationality.  Ail  the  leagues  of  nations  which  might 
be  formed  on  this  earth  coufd  notkeep  Ireland  submissive  to  this  wrong. 
Thank  God  for  it.  In  saying  that  for  Ireland,  1  think  I  can  say  as 
much  for  America,  too.  [Applause.]  I  do  not  believe  all  the  powers 
on  earth,  organized  in  a  league  of  nations  or  otherwise,  could  keep 
America  submissive  under  a  wrong.  [Applause.]  I  do  not  believe 


896 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


there  is  any  chance  that  America  will  be  reduced  to  a  position  where 
her  people  must  revolt  against  her  Government  in  order  that  justice 
may  remain  their  birthright.  And,  therefore,  I  am  as  certain  as  I 
can  be  of  anything  that  this  treaty  will  be  rejected,  root  and  branch, 
as  an  abomination  which  the  American  people  can  not  take  to  their 
bosoms.  There  is  but  one  thing  necessary  now  to  effect  the  emanci¬ 
pation  of  Ireland  and  the  regeneration  of  the  world.  It  is  that  we 
acknowledge  and  recognize  the  simplicities  of  the  situation  which 
this  war  has  created,  as  Senator  Knox  described  them  yesterday, 
and  then  govern  our  course  by  this  infallible  guide.  What  is  it  that 
the  world  needs?  Everyone  will  answer,  “ Peace. ”  Of  course,  it  is. 
But,  what  is  peace  ? 

Peace  is  not  merely  the  removal  of  contending  armies  from  the 
field  of  battle.  It  means  deliverance  of  the  nation  from  the  pre¬ 
occupation  and  obsession  of  wasteful  preparations  for  war.  For 
years  before  the  late  conflict  began  the  world  was  practically  in  a 
state  of  war.  It  was  paying  the  price  of  war.  Notwithstanding  a 
great  increase  in  the  production  of  commodities  prices  instead  of 
falling  were  rising.  This  increase  in  the  cost  of  living  could  be 
accounted  for  on  no  basis  except  the  tremendous  expense  of  sup¬ 
porting  5,000,000  of  men  in  the  very  flower  of  their  productive 
efficiency  idle  in  barracks  and  equipping  them  with  the  weapons 
which  would  make  them  effective  in  battle.  That  was  a  terrible 
burden  before  the  war.  But  now  if  that  burden  is  to  continue  it 
must  destroy  or  at  least  imperil  the  solvency  of  the  entire  world. 
And  an  insolvent  world  must  necessarily  be  a  starving  world. 

Remember  that  during  the  100  years  of  peace  which  followed 
Waterloo  there  was  an  enormous  growth  of  population.  That 
growth  was  confined  almost  entirely  to  the  cities;  rural  populations 
declined  rather  than  increased.  In  all  those  cities  there  is  not  a 
single  human  being  who  produces  the  necessities  of  his  own  existence. 
Five  or  six  millions  of  people  have  established  themselves  on  the 
Hudson  River  and  the  East  River  in  what  is  called  the  great  city  of 
New  York.  There  they  live  on  the  contributions  of  workers  from 
all  over  the  world.  Everything  that  enters  into  their  industry 
must  be  contributed  from  outside  the  city.  Anybody  who  has  ever 
looked  upon  those  great  chimneys  and  seen  the  smoke  of  manu¬ 
facture  rising  to  the  heavens — incense  with  industry  burns  before 
the  throne  of  God — must  realize  the  close  interdependence  between 
all  human  beings  in  the  world  to-day.  Everything  that  enters  into 
manufacture,  the  very  stones  of  the  structure  in  which  industry 
operates,  the  very  beams  of  the  building  in  which  it  is  sheltered,  the 
raw  materials  of  manufacture,  the  clothing  and  food  of  the  worker, 
all  come  from  outside.  The  dweller  in  the  cities  depends  for  his 
subsistence  upon  the  labor  of  all  the  world. 

Before  the  war  4,000,000  of  these  5,000,000  people  lived  literally 
from  hand  to  mouth.  And  the  same  is  true  of  people  in  every  other 
great  city.  But  now  $250,000,000  of  the  capital  by  which  industry 
was  formerly  made  effective  lias  perished.  Ten  million  human  beings 
in  the  flower  of  their  industrial  efficiency  are  dead,  maimed,  and 
rendered  inefficient.  With  this  loss  of  capital  and  of  productive 
energy  how  are  these  mighty  populations  to  continue  to  be  fed, 
clothed,  and  housed  ?  There  is  but  one  way.  The  waste  of  war  and 
of  preparations  for  war  must  be  ended.  All  over  the  world  men  must 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


897 


put  away  weapons  of  conflict  and  take  into  their  hands  implements 
of  industry.  If  disarmament  can  be  made  universal,  then  this  war 
will  be  converted  from  the  greatest  scourge  ever  laid  upon  the  backs 
of  the  human  race  into  the  greatest  blessing  which  a  Merciful  Provi¬ 
dence  has  ever  extended  to  them.  It  is  the  unbroken  lesson  of 
history  that  sacrifices  imposed  on  one  generation  are  the  necessary 
price  of  every  great  advance  material,  and  moral,  accomplished  by 
other  generations.  The  French  Revolution,  wh  Ii  caused  wars  that 
devastated  the  Old  World  for  over  20  years,  resulted  in  uprooting 
survivals  of  feudalism  which  had  seriously  hampered  industry,  and 
it  was  followed  by  an  improvement  in  human  conditions  so  remark¬ 
able  that  when  we  contrast  the  conditions  of  the  world  during  the. 
last  hundred  years  with  its  condition  during  any  previous  period,  it 
seems  as  if  we  were  considering  two  separate  planets  peopled  by  a 
wholly  different  species  of  animated  beings. 

And  after  our  Civil  War,  notwithstanding  its  enormous  waste,  thr 
substitution  of  free  labor  for  slave  labor  opened  a  fountain  of  proi- 
perity  which  more  than  repaired  in  five  years  the  terrible  destruction 
of  battle.  And  now  if  we  can  absorb  all  the  energies  of  mankind  in 
production  of  commodities  necessary  to  human  subsistence,  the 
ravages  of  this  war  will  be  repaired  in  five  years,  and  the  human 
family  will  reach  a  plane  of  prosperity  higher  than  it  has  ever 
achieved.  The  world  is  at  the  parting  of  the  ways.  Either  it  must 
take,  through  disarmament,  the  path  leading  upward  to  prosperity 
that  will  be  immeasurable,  or  else  through  efforts  to  maintain  huge 
military  establishments  it  must  sink  through  confusion  and  disaster 
to  ruin  which  will  be  irretrievable.  Which  path  shall  be  chosen  ? 
Your  action,  Senators,  on  this  treaty  will  decide.  Mr.  Chairman,  if 
wo  follow  the  path  marked  out  by  this  attempt  through  a  new  cove¬ 
nant  to  perpetuate  the  conditions  from  which  we  hoped  that  the  war 
would  deliver  us,  if  we  increase  armaments  instead  of  abolishing  them, 
if  in  a  word  this  proposed  treaty  is  ratified,  the  league  of  nations, 
which  it  establishes,  which  is  a  league  not  to  promote  peace  but  to 
prohibit  peace,  as  Senator  Knox  has  well  said,  it  will  prove  to  be  the 
greatest  curse  that  has  ever  blighted  the  prospects  of  humanity. 
[Applause.] 

But  I  have  not  the  slightest  apprehension  on  this  score.  Thank 
God,  a  spirit  of  genuine  Americanism  survives  in  the  Senate  which 
will  deliver  this  country  from  the  peril  that  threatens  it  and  dispel 
from  our  horizon  the  cloud  that  darkens  it.  I  think  I  may  say  with 
perfect  confidence  that  since  this  treaty  was  laid  upon  the  table  of 
the  Senate  the  discussion  which  its  provisions  have  evoked  has  raised 
the  standard  of  senatorial  eloquence  and  senatorial  statesmanship  to 
•  a  plane  higher  than  ever  before  attained  in  its  history.  [Applause.] 
I  can  quote  speeches  delivered  by  men  who  sit  around  me  that  can 
not  be  paralleled  by  any  delivered  in  the  Senate  since  its  organization, 
and  I  do  not  except  even  that  much-lauded  reply  of  Daniel  Webster 
to  Senator  Iiayne,  of  South  Carolina.  When  we  realize  the  wealth  of 
information  those  speeches  disclose,  the  high  spirit  of  patriotic  devo¬ 
tion  they  attest,  the  stern  resolution  in  the  teeth  of  misrepresentations, 
as  ingenious  as  they  are  reckless,  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  our 
institutions,  which  they  establish,  nothing  in  the  past  history  of 


898 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


Congress  compares  with  them.  But  even  if  the  Senate  were  indif¬ 
ferent  or  inefficient  there  would  remain  the  unerring  judgment,,  the 
infallible  wisdom,  the  sensitive  conscience  of  the  American  people. 
America  has  accomplished  the  greatest  things  ever  achieved  in  the 
history  of  mankind,  things  which  have  been  so  universally  recognized 
as  of  transcendent  value  to  civilization  that  even  if  they  could  be 
changed  no  human  being  would  venture  to  disturb  them.  If  any¬ 
body  had  the  power  to  disturb  them  and  should  attempt  it,  the  whole 
conscience  of  Christendom  would  rally  to  preserve  them  as  priceless 
possessions  of  the  whole  human  family.  Yet  these  great  achieve¬ 
ments  were  attained  not  through  politicians  or  statesmen,  but  largely 
in  spite  of  them.  The  people  have  always  done  better  than  the  poli¬ 
ticians  or  statesmen  had  advised. 

This  war  which  we  can  all  now  see  was  absolutely  essential  to 
preservation  of  our  civilization  was  not  a  distinctive  policy  of  the 
President  wffio  conducted  it.  He  went  into  a  campaign  and  sought 
reelection — with  perfect  sincerity  as  I  believe — upon  a  proposition 
that  he  had  kept  us  out  of  war.  He  could  not  have  intended  to  advise 
a  declaration  of  war  when  he  called  the  extra  session,  because  he  did 
that  only  after  failure  of  a  measure  recommended  by  him  which  did 
not  look  toward  war  but  merely  to  the  arming  of  merchant  ships.  It 
was  essentially  the  war  of  the  American  people  not  of  the  American 
President. 

The  War  with  Spain  was  forced  upon  a  reluctant  Executive,  as  I 
think  the  chairman  of  this  committee  will  admit,  close  as  he  was  to 
the  administration  of  the  very  distinguished  President  who  caused  its 
declaration.  And  the  reconstruction  of  the  Southern  States  after  the 
Civil  War  was  not  what  anybody  had  suggested.  It  is  now  clear  that 
if  either  party  had  had  its  way  the  country  would  not  yet  have 
recovered  from  its  ravages.  I  remember  when  Mr.  Tilden  was — as 
I  believed  at  the  time  and  have  not  wholly  changed  my  opinion — • 
cheated  out  of  the  office  to  which  he  had  been  elected,  1  thought  it 
was  the  end  of  this  Government.  I  thought  that  the  South  must 
remain  indefinitely  under  the  cruel  heel  of  oppression,  with  rival 
governments  in  three  different  States,  and  that  all  possibility  of  re¬ 
construction  on  the  basis  of  reconciliation  had  faded  away  info  limit¬ 
less  distance.  Looking  back  now,  I  can  see  that  it  was  the  providence 
of  God  that  put  the  task  of  withdrawing  the  Federal  troops  from  South 
Carolina,  Louisiana,  and  Florida  into  the  hands  of  a  Republican 
President,  thus  making  it  a  common  policy  of  the  whole  country, 
which  Democrats  were  delighted  to  welcome  and  which  Republicans 
were  not  in  a  position  to  criticize. 

The  War  of  1812  was  forced  on  President  Madison.  Senator  Knox, 
who  has  undoubtedly  studied  closely  the  archives  of  the  State  De-’ 
partment,  knows  that  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  as  we  understand  it 
was  never  contemplated  by  Thomas  Jefferson.  He  sought  only  to 
acquire  the  Island  of  Orleans.  The  purchase  of  the  great  territory 
north  of  the  present  boundary  of  Louisiana  was  forced  on  him.  It 
was  accepted  as  a  necessary  condition  by  his  supporters,  and  urged 
as  a  reason  for  rejecting  the  whole  treaty  by  others,  on  the  ground 
that  these  desert  wilds  could  never  be  of  any  value  to  us.  But  the 
people  budded  wiser  than  the  statesmen  of  those  years. 

And  now,  when  the  greatest  emergency  that  has  ever  confronted 
the  country  is  upon  us,  I  believe  that  the  people’s  conscience,  the 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


899 


people’s  judgment,  and  the  people’s  wisdom,  will  reinforce  the  deter¬ 
mination  of  these  Senators  who  have  already  checked,  and  who  I 
believe  will  succeed  in  defeating,  the  attempt  by  this  treaty  to  betray 
the  causes  and  purposes  for  which  the  war  was  fought.  I  do  not 
charge  deliberate  treason  against  anyone,  but  I  do  say  that  betrayal 
of  the  causes  for  which  this  war  was  fought  and  won  will  be  the  net 
result,  if  the  purposes  of  those  who  negotiated  this  treaty  shall  be 
accomplished.  We  are  told  that  even  an  amendment  of  this  treaty 
will  lead  to  its  rejection.  Well,  what  of  that?  Suppose  it  is  de¬ 
feated,  could  we  conceive  anything  more  auspicious?  The  league  of 
nations  which  it  undertakes  to  establish  is  imperfect  by  the  conces¬ 
sion  of  everybody. 

The  Shantung  provision  is  an  abomination.  Yet  we  are  told  that 
we  must  yield  to  that  abomination  and  make  ourselves  parties  to  it. 
My  God,  Mr.  Chairman,  when  did  it  come  to  pass  that  the  word 
“must”  can  be  addressed  to  the  American  Nation?  [Applause.! 
When  this  Nation  consisted  of  little  more  than  a  few  villages  strag¬ 
gling  along  the  Atlantic  coast,  the  suggestion  was  made  that  for¬ 
bearance  of  the  greatest  military  power  in  the  world  at  that  time 
could  be  secured  by  a  substantial  advance  of  money.  The  answer 
was  given  without  an  instant’s  hesitation:  “ Millions  for  defense; 
not  one  cent  for  tribute.”  [Applause.] 

And,  sir,  are  we  now  to  pay  not  a  tribute  of  money  but  a  tribute 
of  infamy,  by  the  confession  of  everybody,  in  order  to  establish  a 
league  which  has  not  and  can  not  operate  for  peace,  but  in  the  very 
nature  of  things,  as  has  been  conclusively  shown  by  Mr.  Knox  and 
other  Senators,  must  operate  to  make  war  frequent,  if  not  perpetual  ? 
Is  there  in  that  treaty  one  single  word  of  which  any  American  should 
be  proud?  Does  it  liberate  a  single  people  who  seek  emancipation, 
except  as  an  act  of  vengeance  against  the  countries  that  were  over¬ 
thrown?  Does  it  hold  out  a  word  of  hope  to  nations  that  are  lan¬ 
guishing  in  chains  and  determined  to  break  them?  Far  from  that, 
it  creates  new  spoliations  and  makes  us  a  party  to  them.  Without 
our  participation  they  could  not  become  effective.  [Applause.] 

But  we  are  told  that  we  can  ratify  this  treaty  and  pass  a  resolu¬ 
tion  declaring  that  we  don’t  like  these  infamies  at  the  very  time 
that  we  are  perpetrating  them.  Now  I  can  have  some  respect,  at 
least  I  can  understand  the  attitude  of  a  man  who  perpetrates  an 
infamy  because  he  wants  to,  but  I  have  no  patience  with  a  man  who 
after  making  himself  a  party  to  an  infamy  seeks  to  excuse  himself 
by  saying  that  he  dislikes  it.  [Applause.]  One  man  is  formidable 
to  justice,  the  other  is  contemptible  in  every  sense.  But  thank  God 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  is  not  going  to  be  contemptible. 
[Applause.] 

Now,  in  all  -this,  I  do  not  intend  the  slightest  reflection  on 
the  President  of  the  United  States.  I  think  I  ought  to  say  that. 
[Laughter.]  No,  no;  Senators,  let  me  say  this  to  you:  I  think  the 
place  of  the  President  in  history  is  a  high  one,  and  I  think  it  is  secure. 
I  think  it  is  so  secure  that  it  can  not  be  overthrown  by  anythin" 
except  ratification  of  this  treaty,  and  against  that  the  Senate  is,  1 
think,  immovable.  His  definition  of  the  cause  which  led  us  into  this 
war  has  become  one  of  the  priceless  possessions  of  humanity.  The 
14  points  are  not  dead.  They  are  alive;  they  are  here.  [Applause.] 

135549°— 19 - 10 


900 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


We  are  appealing  to  them  now,  and  the  appeal  will  not  be  in  vain. 
They  can  never  die. 

1  was  one  of  those  who  sincerely  deplored  his  going  abroad.  I 
did  not  believe  then,  and  I  do  not  believe  now,  that  the  President  of 
the  United  States  is  ever  justified  in  placing  his  person  under  the 
jurisdiction,  or  in  the  power  of  a  foreign  Government,  especially  when 
he  is  engaged  in  a  negotiation  affecting  the  sovereignty  of  the  United 
States.  While  his  person  is  under  foreign  jurisdiction  he  can  be 
coerced  in  many  ways.  I  think  he  was  coerced  in  one  way  which 
proved  effective,  and  that  was  by  threatening  him  covertly  or  openly 
with  some  manifestation  of  disapproval  or  by  withholding  from  him 
the  applause  which  they  gave  him  in  overflowing  measure  when  he 
first  appeared  on  the  European  continent.  It  is  impossible  otherwise 
to  account  for  his  acceptance  of  provisions  in  this  treaty  vdiich  ho 
himself  declares  to  be  objectionable.  But  I  want  to  say  this:  The 
world  which  heard  the  words  he  uttered  wiien  uring  Congress  to 
declare  war  became  that  moment  a  different  world  from  what  it  had 
ever  been  before.  I  wrote  Mr.  Tumulty  at  that  time,  and  I  felt 
deeply  in  my  soul  that  this  address  of  the  President  wmuld  pass  into 
history  as  the  most  momentous  utterance  that  ever  fell  from  human 
lips  since  Pope  Eurban  II  preached  the  First  Crusade  at  Clermont- 
Ferrand,  over  800  years  ago.  When  he  said  this  war  was  waged  to 
make  the  v7orld  safe  for  democracy,  and  men  shed  their  blood  to  make 
his  declaration  effective,  it  became  impossible  for  the  earth  which 
received  that  libation,  ever  again  to  tolerate,  in  Ireland  or  anywhere 
else  in  the  world,  conditions  those  heroes  died  to  overthrow.  [Ap¬ 
plause.  1 

After  speaking  these  words  it  became  as  impossible  for  the  Presi¬ 
dent  to  come  back  and  set  up  such  a  machinery  of  force  to  dominate 
the  world,  as  is  embodied  in  this  treaty,  as  it  would  have  been  for 
Godfrey,  of  Bouillon,  or  any  other  leader  of  the  Crusades  to  establish 
Mohammedanism  in  his  own  dominion  after  his  return  from  attempt¬ 
ing  to  overthrow7  it  in  the  Holy  Land.  Even  though  the  President 
has  himself  forsaken  the  14  points,  the  principle  embodied  in  them 
remains  to  render  the  dominion  of  brute  force  impossible  anywhere 
within  the  limits  of  civilization. 

How  the  reign  of  brute  force  will  be  abolished  in  Ireland  I  can  not 
tell  at  this  moment  any  more  than  anyone  at  the  close  of  our  Civil 
War  could  have  foretold  the  splendidly  successful  reconstruction  of 
the  Southern  States  that  followed  it.  I  am  sure  the  chairman  of  this 
committee  will  recall  that  the  leaders  of  the  dominant  party  at  that 
time,  men  like  Charles  Sumner  and  Thaddeus  M.  Stevens  and  Oliver 
P.  Morton,  patriots  of  the  highest  type,  believed  it  would  be  necessary 
to  take  the  most  drastic  precautions  against  a  renewal  of  secession. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  Party  in  the  South 
believed  that  they  were  entitled  at  once  to  unconditional  restoration 
of  their  government  and  freedom  to  reestablish  their  social  and 
economic  life  as  they  pleased.  A  golden  mean  was  struck  between 
the  two.  Their  governments  were  given  back  to  the  southern  people 
when  it  became  clear  that  there  wrould  be  no  attempt  to  restore 
slavery  or  to  fasten  the  Confederate  debt  on  any  part  of  this  country. 
And  then  those  States  which  had  been  ravaged  as  no  other  land 
had  been  ravaged  before,  whose  industrial  system  had  been  sub- 


TREATY  OF  FEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


901 


verted,  whose  cities  had  been  burned,  whose  fields  had  been  devas¬ 
tated,  where  the  last  dollar  of  capital  had  been  expended,  rose  from 
the  ashes  of  defeat  almost  in  a  night  and  marched  forward  to  a  pros¬ 
perity  greater  than  that  which  has  blessed  any  other  part  of  this 
country. 

So  I  firmly  believe  that  out  of  all  this  discussion,  contention,  and 
confusion  of  views,  the  thing  will  emerge  which  the  world  needs. 
And  that  is  disarmament.  When  disarmament  becomes  universal, 
then  peace  will  be  firmly  established,  for  the  very  simple  reason 
that  when  all  nations  are  disarmed  there  will  not  be  any  means  with 
which  any  of  them  can  fight  against  another.  Let  us,  then,  insist  that 
the  outcome  of  this  war  shall  be  disarmament  of  all  nations.  We 
have  the  power  to  enforce  this  policy  and  we  need  not  lift  a  finger  to 
do  it.  As  Senator  Knox  pointed  out  yesterday,  the  whole  world  is 
bankrupt.  Many  nations  are  still  intent  on  maintaining  great  arma¬ 
ments,  but  they  can  not  support  them  unless  we  give  them  the  means. 
It  is  certainly  impossible  for  any  of  them  to  reorganize  its  industry 
and  at  the  same  time  maintain  a  great  military  establishment.  The 
hope  of  each  one  is  that  we  will  advance  it  the  capital  essential  to  its 
industrial  reorganization,  and  then  it  will  use  its  own  resources  to 
maintain  a  great  armament  on  land  and  sea. 

I  do  not  believe  any  American  would  object  to  aid  the  restoration 
of  stricken  Europe,  but  I  do  think  it  is  our  paramount  duty  to  insist 
that  before  we  extend  the  benefit  of  our  resources  to  any  other 
country  all  its  own  resources  be  devoted  to  restoring  its  industry. 
We  should  not  aid  it  while  it  diverted  one  penny  of  its  own  posses¬ 
sions  to  military  enterprises.  To  force  universal  disarmament, 
therefore,  it  is  only  necessary  that  this  country  resume  the  role 
which  it  has  played  since  its  organization. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  world  a  great  war  has  ended, 
leaving  one  power  able  to  maintain  the  greatest  armaments  on  land 
and  sea  ana  that  power  does  not  want  to  establish  them.  That 
power  possesses  the  resources  to  resuscitate  society,  and  it  does  not 
want  to  exercise  the  power  thus  given  it  for  any  other  purpose  than  to 
benefit  the  whole  human  family.  And  now,  while  we  are  ready  to 
expend  our  treasure  for  the  welfare  of  all  the  world,  what  is  it  that  by 
this  treaty  we  are*asked  to  do  ?  As  Senator  Knox  well  said  yesterday, 
we  are  asked  to  use  our  resources  for  regeneration  of  the  world,  not 
according  to  our  own  idea  of  what  would  be  most  effective,  but  by 
submitting  our  judgment  to  that  of  other  nations  whose  policies 
have  led  them  to  the  pass  out  of  which  they  are  crying  to  us  for  deliv¬ 
erance.  Now,  if  there  be  in  all  this  world  any  force,  country,  Gov¬ 
ernment,  or  political  system  better  qualified  than  America  to  employ 
enormous  resources  for  the  benefit  of  man  land  by  enforcing  justice 
I  am  ready,  for  my  part,  to  see  our  resources  turned  over  to  that 
superior  agency.  But  where  is  it  ?  Where  can  it  be  found  ?  Where 
is  there  in  the  universe  any  force  comparable  to  the  United  States 
as  an  agency  to  use  unlimited  resources  for  the  improvement  of 
human  conditions?  Such  a  power  or  force  can  not  be  found.  It 
does  not  exist.  And  yet  wo  are  asked  to  subordinate  our  control 
over  our  own  resources  to  the  judgment  of  nations  which  I  think 
nobody  here  will  dispute  are  inferior  to  us  in  intelligence  and  in  love 
of  justice.  We  are  asked  to  give  up  the  greater  for  the  less,  to  abase 


902 


TREATY  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


ourselves  from  the  lofty  position  to  which  Providence  has  assigned 
us  and  deliberately  sink  to  a  lower  level.  But  it  is  said  that  if  we 
maintain  control  over  our  own  destiny  we  are  in  danger  of  isolation. 

Well,  Mr.  Chairman  our  isolation  was  decreed  by  Almighty  God 
when  he  gave  us  the  first  place  in  civilization.  Eminence  is  always 
isolation.  But  the  eminence  which  we  have  always  enjoyed  is  not  an 
isolation  which  we  want  selfishly  to  retain.  No;  no;  no;  America 
invites  all  the  world  to  end  that  isolation  by  coming  up  and  sharing 
the  eminence  which  she  has  occupied  since  the  organization  of  this 
Republic.  [Applause.]  From  the  spirit  that  has  been  displayed  in 
this  gathering  here  to-day,  I  have  unbounded  confidence  that  this 
country  will  not  terminate  that  eminence  by  coming  down  from  it 
and  abasing  itself  to  the  prejudices  and  hostilities  and  cupidities  of 
those  European  powers  that  have  plunged  the  world  into  the  welter 
of  blood  from  which  we  have  just  delivered  them,  and  from  whose 
consequences  we  now  hope  to  shield  them. 

Senator  Knox  has  stated,  much  better  than  I  can  state  it,  the  true 
policy  wTe  should  pursue.  When  disarmament  is  secured  the  nations 
can  not  fight.  And  then  an  unarmed  world  will  naturally  and 
inevitably  produce  a  league  of  nations  to  adjust  disputes.  While 
unarmed  nations  can  not  fight  without  at  least  three  years’  preparation 
there  will  be  disputes  as  long  as  there  are  human  beings  on  the  earth. 
Now,  there  are  but  two  things  that  men  or  nations  can  do  when  they 
engage  in  disputes;  they  can  either  fight  about  them  or  they  can  talk 
about  them.  If  they  have  not  the  means  to  fight  then  there  is  nothing 
left  for  them  to  do  but  talk  about  them.  And  when  by  disarmament 
they  are  placed  in  a  position  where  all  they  can  do  is  to  talk,  they  will 
inevitably  take  measures  to  make  that  talk  effective,  which  means 
they  will  establish  tribunals  or  bodies  of  some  description  before  which 
these  disputes  can  be  adjusted,  if  they  are  capable  of  adjustment. 
Leagues  of  nations  can  not  produce  peace.  But  peace  can  and  will 
produce  a  league  of  nations — a  true  league  of  nations — a  league 
capable  of  meeting  the  requirements  of  civilization.  And  with  all  the 
world  disarmed  no  nation  can  be  held  in  subjection  against  the  will 
of  its  inhabitants  to  another.  Ireland  will  be  free  and  every  nation 
now  denied  the  blessings  of  liberty  will  obtain  them.  That,  Mr. 
Chairman,  I  believe  will  be  the  outcome  of  this  situation.  It  may 
not  come  immediately.  But  come  it  must  and  come  it  will.  Any¬ 
thing  else  spells  not  merely  danger  but  ruin  to  civilization.  Mr. 
Chairman,  these  are  the  conclusions  which  I  submit  respectfully  but 
most  hopefully  to  this  committee.  Peace — not  merely  cessation  of 
war,  but  cessation  of  preparations  for  war — is  absolutely  essential  to 
human  existence  under  the  conditions  which  now  govern  the  world. 

Peace  must  be  established  in  Ireland  before  it  can  be  made  perma¬ 
nent  throughout  the  world.  Peace  can  not  be  established  in  Ireland 
by  England.  Eight  centuries  of  history  prove  that.  The  Irish 
people  who  have  resisted  foreign  domination  for  nine  centuries  will 
not  submit  to  it,  even  though  an  attempt  to  force  it  upon  them  were 
made  by  a  thousand  leagues  of  nations.  The  league  of  nations  here 
proposed  is  an  abomination,  an  attempt  to  use  the  conscience  of 
Christendom  to  sanction  and  perpetuate  wrongs  which  morality  and 
justice  condemn.  •  But  although  judgment  and  good  sense  may  have 
departed  from  quarters  where  we  have  a  right  to  expect  that  they 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


903 


would  he  found,  yet  we  feel  profoundly  confident  that  here  in  this 
body  the  wisdom  of  the  fathers  will  be  vindicated  by  such  a  display 
of  patriotism,  such  an  exercise  of  vigilance,  as  will  insure  to  this 
people  the  rights  to  which  they  were  born,  the  rights  which  some  of 
us  who  came  here  from  other  lands  have  acquired  through  the  opera¬ 
tion  of  our  constitutional  system;  and  by  maintaining  this  constitu¬ 
tion  intact,  you  Senators  will  become  the  effective  instruments 
ordained  by  Providence  to  keep  trimmed  and  shining  before  the  eyes 
of  all  men  the  lamp  which  will  guide  their  footsteps,  to  freedom,  to 
justice,  and  to  unending  prosperity. 

Judge  Cohalan.  Gentlemen  of  the  committee,  we  thank  you  on 
behalf  of  those  who  have  come  here,  and  on  behalf  of  those  who  have 
had  the  opportunity  of  addressing  you. 

BRIEF  OF  PROTEST. 

(The  brief  of  protest  heretofore  referred  to,  filed  in  opposition  to 
the  arguments  submitted  at  the  morning  session,  is  as  follows:) 

Thte  Foreign  Relations  Committee, 

Senate  of  the  United  States. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Committee  :  We  beg  to  present  a  formal  protest  to  the 
attempt  of  representatives  of  a  faction  in  Ireland,  known  as  the  Sinn  Fein 
party,  or  of  kindred  organizations  favoring  this  movement  in  the  United  States, 
to  have  the  so-called  Irish  question  thrust  into  the  discussion  in  the  Senate 
of  the  peace  treaty  and  the  league  of  nations. 

In  presenting  our  brief  of  protest  we  do  so  as  American  citizens  of  Irish 
birth,  and  not  as  agents  of  a  foreign  government,  nor  as  local  political  faction- 
ists  with  an  ax  to  grind.  We' are  just  plain,  hard-working  American  citizens, 
engaged  in  various  commercial  and  professional  callings,  prompted  by  a  legiti¬ 
mate  sentiment  for  the  land  of  our  birth  and  by  a  whole-hearted  devotion  to  the 
land  of  our  adoption. 

We  are  not  here,  sirs,  to  argue  either  for  or  against  the  peace  treaty  and 
the  league  of  nations,  but  we  are  here  through  your  gracious  courtesy  to  de¬ 
clare  ourselves  opposed  to  the  thrusting  of  a  foreign  political  issue  into  the 
discussion  of  that  great  subject. 

Our  opposition,  gentlemen,  is  based  on  the  following  arguments: 

• 

I.  the  argument  of  right. 

The  league  of  nations  is  a  proposal  to  unite  the  forces  of  the  allies  who 
fought  during  the  late  war  to  preserve  the  future  peace  of  the  world.  This 
faction  in  Ireland  has  no  right  to  be  considered  in  the  discussion,  for  they  failed 
to  support  the  allies  in  that  war  and  failed  to  do  their  part  in  the  struggle. 
We  present  two  simple  statements  in  our  argument : 

A.  They  failed  to  support  by  sentiment.  Their  .propaganda  during  the  war 
period  was  hurtful  to  the  allied  cause. 

B.  They  failed  to  support  by  deed.  They  gave  and  comfort  to  the  foe  by 
creating  strife  and  turmoil  at  home.  The  British  Government,  in  order  to 
quiet  this  faction  could  not  and  did  not  enforce  conscription  in  Ireland. 
Granted  they  had  a  real  cause  to  present  at  the  bar  of  American  judgment, 
they  have  no  more  right  to  be  heard  at  this  time,  when  they  failed  to  support 
the  allied  cause,  than  the  foe  has  to  be  heard  at  this  juncture. 

II.  THE  ARGUMENT  OF  FACT. 

It  is  stated  by  this  element  that  Ireland  has  not  self-government  and  is 
therefore  entitled  to  be  heard.  We  are  prepared  to  testify  by  actual  experi¬ 
ence  that  Ireland  has  self-government  on  the  following  basis: 

A.  Ireland  has  the  franchise — franchise  in  local  as  well  as  national  govern¬ 
ment. 

B.  Ireland  has  representative  government.  It  has  representatives  of  the 
people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people. 


904 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


C.  Laws  are  made  by  the  Parliament  in  the  same  manner  as  for  England, 
Scotland,  or  Wales — the  procedure  is  the  same  in  each  case. 

It  is  further  stated  by  this  element  that  Ireland  is  suppressed  by  Britain. 

We  reply : 

First.  It  is  not  suppressed  religiously.  Freedom  of  worship  is  granted  to 
all.  and  is  enjoyed  by  all. 

Second.  It  is  not  suppressed  industrially.  Ireland  possesses  some  of  the 
largest  plants  in  various  industries  to  be  found  in  the  world,  for  example, 
shipbuilding,  linen,  tobacco,  rope,  collar  and  shirt,  distilling,  etc.  The  lace 
industry  of  Ireland  is  proverbial.  Ireland  is  enjoying  prosperity  now  to  a 
vast  degree. 

III.  THE  ARGUMENT  OF  HISTORY. 

The  claim  is  made  that  Ireland  was  and  should  be  a  nation.  This  claim  is 
false  and  the  assumption  is  without  historical  grounds.  Ireland  neither  during 
the  Druidic  nor  the  Christian  periods  has  been  one  whole,  undivided  nation. 
The  four  provinces  represent  the  smallest  areas  of  nationhood.  Historically, 
Ireland  has  had  many  kings  and  rulers  at  the  one  time,  but  never  one  king  or 
supreme  chief.  Only  under  British  rule  has  Ireland  ever  approached  unity 
in  these  historic  divisions.  The  present  political  divisions  in  Ireland  are  re¬ 
ligious  and  not  racial. 


IV.  THE  ARGUMENT  OF  FRINCIPLE. 

We  are  opposed,  gentlemen,  to  the  Irish  question  being  thrust  into  American 
politics  for  the  following  reasons: 

A.  It  raises  a  racial  question.  American  citizenship  is  built  not  on  foreign 
nationality  but  by  adoption  of  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  The  United  States  exists  not  for  the  foreignizing  of 
America,  but  Americanizing  the  foreigner  who  seeks  to  live  in  our  land.  What¬ 
ever  arouses  racial  feeling  in  America  is  dangerous  to  our  national  conscious¬ 
ness.  We  are  opposed  to  hyphenated  Americanism. 

B.  It  raises  a  religious  question.  This  is  foreign  to  the  principles  of 
American  national  life.  The  propaganda  of  this  element  is  such  as  to  arouse 
sectarian  animosity,  denominational  bigotry,  and  injects  religious  controversy 
into  American  politics.  We  are  opposed  to  the  religious  hyphenate  as  well 
as  the  racial,  whether  it  be  Jewish,  Roman  Catholic,  Protestant,  Christian 
Science,  or  otherwise.  The  Irish  question  at  home  is  a  matter  largely  of  re¬ 
ligious  association,  and  this  is  its  tendency  abroad. 

In  conclusion,  sirs,  we  feel  tht  the  Irish  question  should  not  have  official 
recognition  at  this  time,  when  in  the  interests  of  the  democracy  of  the  world 
there  should  be  fostered  a  friendly  feeling  between  the  two  great  English- 
speaking  democracies  of  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  British  Empire. 

We  desire  to  thank  you  in  behalf  of  those  who  think  and  feel  as  we  do  on 
this  question,  not  only  of  Irish  birth,'  but  also  as  direct  American  citizens,  as 
■well  as  an  appreciation  of  ourselves  personally  for  your  courteous  treatment 
and  patient  hearing.  With  absolute  confidence  we  leave  the  matter  in  your  care. 

David  D.  Irvine, 
Henry  Stewart, 

•  John  Kennedy, 

Lt.  Lewis  H.  Shaw, 
Albert  E.  Kelly, 
William  II.  Chinny, 
William  Balfour. 

(Tlie  following  documents,  numbered  from  1  to  25,  are  printed  as 
a  part  of  the  hearing  by  direction  of  the  committee:) 

No.  1. 

Statement  of  Rev.  James  Grattan  Mythen,  Assistant  Minister  Christ 

Church,  Norfolk,  Va.,  as  made  to  the  Foreign  Relations  Committee 

Saturday,  August  30,  1919. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  your  committee  has  served 
notice  that  only  American  citizens  shall  appear  before  you  in  relation  to  the 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


905 


matters  which  you  are  discussing,  and  it  is,  therefore,  my  privilege  to  appeal 
to  you  primarily  and,  in  fact,  solely  as  an  American  citizen  on  the  question 
to  which  you  have  given  a  hearing  to-day,  namely,  the  freedom  of  the  Irish 
people  in  their  motherland. 

As  you  note,  I  am  a  clergyman  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  and  as  a 
follower  of  the  Nazarene  my  training  has  taught  me  to  be  a  pacifist.  I 
could  in  no  other  way  in  conscience  follow  the  Prince  of  Peace,  however,  when 
in  holy  week  the  President  of  the  United  States  in  an  appeal  made  to  the 
American  people  through  his  address  to  the  Houses  of  Congress  assembled 
in  joint  session,  promulgated  what  to  me  seemed  the  most  forceful  Christian 
utterance  since  the  days  of  Apostolic  inspiration,  whatever  difficulties  had 
previously  been  made  manifest  from  the  Christian  ethical  standpoint  in 
regard  to  war  were  swept  away.  As  a  man,  as  an  American,  then  Mr.  Wilson 
cominced  me  as  a  Christian,  it  was  my  absolute  and  bounden  duty  to  support 
the  great  crusade  of  which  he  seemed  to  be  the  modern  Peter  the  Hermit. 

On  Easter  Day  I -preached  a  sermon  in  favor  of  the  war,  and  when  the 
young  men  of  my  parish  enlisted  I  felt  that  I,  being  unattached,  economically 
responsible  for  no  one,  that  it  was  unbecoming  of  me  to  be  content  merely  to 
stand  in  the  pulpit  and  urge  other  men  to  give  their  lives  for  the  principles 
which  I  considered  worthy  of  life  giving.  And  so,  with  countless  numbers 
of  young  men  of  the  Nation  I  enlisted  voluntarily,  although  I  was  exempt  from 
the  draft  on  account  of  my  clerical  profession,  and  also  since  I  was  beyond 
the  draft  age.  I  was  content  to  serve  in  the  ranks  in  the  humblest  capacity, 
feeling  that  the  menial  tasks  which  fell  to  my  lot  were  noble  because  even 
in  their  small  way  they  were  aiding  in  achieving  the  high  purport  of  the 
sacred  mission  to  which  our  country  had  committed  itself. 

It  was  not  at  Belgium  appealed  to  me  so  tremendously;  I  could  sympathize 
with  Belgium  because  I  am  of  Irish  extraction;  but  it  was  the  statements  of 
our  President  that  the  crusade  which  he  had  inaugurated  meant  enfranchise¬ 
ment  of  the  world ;  that  all  peoples  everywhere  were  to  determine  for  them¬ 
selves  the  sovereignty  under  which  they  might  desire  to  live.  When  he  spe- 
cifically  told  us  that  it  was  not  against  the  German  people,  but  against  the  im¬ 
perial  autocracy  of  Germany  that  we  were  to  fight,  I  understood  him  as  a  clear, 
logical  and  consequential  thinker,  and  I  knew  that  he  did  not  mean  alone  the 
new-born  imperialism  of  Germany,  but  also  the  age-long  imperialisms  of  which 
no  student  of  history  could  possibly  be  ignorant,  especially  the  author  of  “The 
New  Freedom.” 

From  the  textbooks  of  Mr.  Wilson  I-  had  learned  much,  and  so  I  gladly  fol¬ 
lowed  him  in  the  war  in  which  we  were  to  exemplify  by  the  force  of  militant 
argument  the  principles  which  he  had  enunciated. 

During  my  career  in  the  Navy  I  was  charged  with  helping  along  the  work  of 
morale.  I  addressed  countless  numbers  of  enlisted  men ;  I  wish  to  tell  you 
that  on  one  occasion  I  preached  in  St.  Johns’  Church,  Hampton,  Va.,  to  a 
congregation  composed  almost  entirely  of  men  in  uniform.  I  had  to  say  in 
defense  of  the  President,  because  he  was  then  being  attacked,  that  he  did  mean 
all  that  he  had  said,  and  that  imperialism  everywhere  was  to  go.  I  distinctly 
mentioned  Ireland,  India,  and  Egypt  in  my  sermon.  A  member  of  the  Presi¬ 
dent’s  wartime  Cabinet  was  an  auditor,  and  he  sent  for  me — I  mean  Dr.  Gar¬ 
field,  the  Fuel  Administrator — and  he  told  me  that  I  had  echoed  the  thoughts 
of  the  President.  I  was  glad  to  hear  him  say  that  because  in  my  sermon  on 
that  day  I  had  said  that  if  the  thing  that  I  was  preaching  were  not  true,  I 
would  gladly  be  taken  out  and  put  up  against  a  wall  and  shot,  because  the 
uniform  I  was  wearing  under  my  priestly  vestments  would  be  a  disgrace  to 
the  world. 

Now,  gentlemen  of  this  committee,  if  a  treaty  of  peace,  so-called,  is  ratified 
by  you  as  the  coordinate  treaty-making  power,  and  the  so-called  league  of  na¬ 
tions  receives  your  sanction,  I  shall  feel,  first  of  all,  as  an  American  citizen, 
secondly  as  a  minister  of  the  gospel,  and,  thirdly,  as  an  enlisted  man  in  the 
Navy,  that  I  have  been  betrayed  not  only  by  the  executive  power  who  led  us 
to  a  victorious  war  and  brought  us  to  defeat  in  peace,  hut  also  betrayed  by 
your  honorable  committee. 

However,  I  do  not  fear  such  results.  The  principles  enunciated  in  the  four¬ 
teen  points  are  more  than  Mr.  Wilson’s  theories.  He  wrote  them  first  in  black 
and  white  and  we  read  them,  but  since  that  time  they  have  been  written  in 
red  by  my  comrades,  your  sons,  and  your  brothers  in  the  fields  of  France,  and 
though  Mr.  Wilson  may  wish  to  erase  the  things  he  wrote,  he  can  not  eras® 


906 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


the  indorsement  of  his  principles  which  has  been  written  in  blood  by  the  men 
who  fell  in  Flanders  and  France. 

The  Irish  issue  might  well  be  called  the  acid  test  of  our  international  hon¬ 
esty.  It  is  an  acid  which,  if  properly  neutralized  will  work  well  for  the  com¬ 
mon  weal,  but  if  left  in  sullen  despair  will,  without  doubt,  ally  itself  with 
every  agency  which  makes  for  discontent  and  through  which  it  may  find  a 
voice.  Is  it  the  will  of  this  honorable  committee  to  throw  the  twenty  millions 
of  our  people  into  the  already  too  large  accumulation  in  the  discard  of  discon¬ 
tent? 

It  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  attempt  to  convince  your  honorable  body  that 
there  is  no  question  of  religion  in  the  Irish  situation  as  it  is.  The  roster  of 
Irish  Protestants  who  might  well  be  called  the  Protestant  saints  of  Catholic 
Ireland  answers  that  question  for  me;  Grattan,  Wolfe,  Tono,  Lord  Edward 
Fizgerald,  John  Mitchel — grandfather  of  the  late  Mayor  of  New  York  City — 
Francis  McKinley,  hanged  and  quartered  uncle  of  the  late  President  of  "the 
United  States ;  Robert  Emmet,  and  Parneli.  These  Protestant  leaders  of 
Catholic  Ireland  need  no  apologists. 

There  is  a  religious  question,  however,  which  is  international  in  scope  wThen, 
for  instance,  from  the  interior  of  India,  mercenary  Gurkhas  are  imported  to 
police  Ireland.  Those  Gurkhas  made  themselves  known  in  France  when,  strip¬ 
ped  to  nothing  but  a  gee-string,  with  oiled  bodies,  with  a  knife  in  either  hand 
and  another  in  their  mouths,  disdaining  the  use  of  modern  weapons,  they 
leaped  like  tigers  at  the  foe.  This,  gentlemen,  is  England’s  contribution  from 
India  to  Ireland.  And  from  Ireland  the  equally  mercenary  Sir  Michael 
O’Dwyer,  a  man  whom  all  Irishmen  repudiate,  was  sent  to  rule  over  the 
Punjab,  and  whose  rule  has  been  exemplified  in  these  last  few  months  by 
suppressing  particular  demonstrations  of  unarmed  Indians  by  the  use  of 
machine  guns  and  bombs  from  the  airplanes,  killing  thereby  in  cold  blood 
hundreds  of  innocent  men,  women  and  children. 

These  are  the  ways  of  English  imperialism  which  maufacture  religious  an¬ 
imosities  where  none  exist  in  reality.  Thus,  gentlemen,  does  England  attempt 
to  keep  her  belligerent  subjects  from  realizing  the  unity  of  purpose  which  they 
should  have  in  common  in  the  destruction  of  her  perfidious  empire.  She  tries 
to  make  the  Irish  hate  the  Indians  and  make  the  Indians  hate  the  Irish. 
So  has  she  done  in  Ireland.  She  has  created  a  fictitious  animosity  between 
Protestant  and  Catholic  which  exists  only  as  political  propaganda.  She 
claims  through  Sir  Edward  Carson  that  the  Protestant  religion  requires  for  its 
preservation  the  maintenance  of  British  rule  in  Ireland.  As  a  Protestant,  sir, 
and  a  clergyman  of  the  Protestant  religion,  I  resent  the  implication  that  Protes¬ 
tantism  requires  the  sustenance  of  British  imperialism  to  maintain  itself  in 
Ireland  or  elsewhere.  Were  I  convinced  that  this  were  a  fact,  that  only 
through  the  power  of  British  arms  could  my  religion  maintain  itself  in 
Ireland,  then  I  would  repudiate  my  religion  at  once.  So,  it  is  quite  true 
that  in  this  country  we  have  heard  the  British  propaganda  that  there  is  a 
religious  difficulty  in  Ireland. 

I  want  to  say  to  you,  sir,  and  gentlemen,  that  as  a  Protestant  Irishman, 
whose  family  to-day  in  Ireland  are  representatives  of  the  Protestant  religion, 
that  we  would  all  gladly  have  Ireland  free  under  any  religious  leadership  rather 
than  remain,  as  we  are,  the  only  white  race  still  in  slavery. 


No.  2. 

Statement  by  Former  Congressman  Joseph  F.  O’Connell,  Representing  a 
Delegation  of  the  Bench  and  Bar  of  Massachusetts  Before  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations. 

August  30,  1919. 

Mr.  Chairman  :  I  have  been  authorized  on  behalf  of  the  delegation  of  25 
lawyers  sent  here  to-day  by  the  bench  and  bar  of  Massachusetts  to  register  our 
protest  against  the  ratification  of  the  peace  treaty  now  under  consideration  in 
its  present  form,  and  to  say  to  you  that  the  proposed  league  of  nations  is  in  our 
judgment  un-American,  illegal,  and  contrary  to  the  ideals  of  the  American 
Republic. 

It  was  my  great  honor  and  distinction  to  sit  as  a  member  of  Congress  for 
four  years  ir  the  great  Chamber  at  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol,  and  every 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY.  907 

time  that  I  have  viewed  it  in  person  or  print  my  mind  has  traveled  bach  to 
its  beginning  and  history. 

Sometimes,  Senators,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  we  forget  the  history  of  this 
very  building  in  which  you  will  assemble  in  deliberation  on  this  treaty.  Can 
you  forget  that  in  1814  British  troops  marched  from  Annapolis  on  their  errand 
of  destruction  and  captured  Washington,  at  that  time  an  unfortified  city !  I 
will  not  detain  you  to  narrate  all  the  violations  of  so-called  civilized  warfare 
that  were  committed  by  the  British  officers  and  troops  in  that  campaign,  but 
I  do  make  bold  to  recall  to  your  attention  the  infamous  conduct  and  unfor- 
getable  incident  committed  by  the  British  troops  in  destroying  the  seat  of 
our  Government,  because  it  carries  with  it  the  evil  omen  of  what  it  will  do 
again  if  it  ever  secures  the  chance. 

The  story  of  the  expMt  of  Admiral  Cockburn  should  be  burned  into  the 
memory  of  this  committee  and  every  member  of  the  Senate.  Let  me  refresh 
your  minds  on  a  few  of  the  details.  After  capturing  the  city,  Cockburn 
marched  with  his  soldiers  into  the  Capitol  building  and,  assembling  them  in 
the  House  Chamber,  addressed  them  as  follows,  as  we  are  told  by  English 
and  American  historians : 

“  We  have  met  to-day  in  the  building  dedicated  to  the  liberties  of  the  Ameri¬ 
can  people — all  in  favor  of  burning  this  building  to  the  ground,  will  say  ‘  Aye 

The  vote  was  unanimous,  and  the  orders  were  given  “Burn  it.”  And  the 
original  home  of  our  Government,  the  emblem  of  our  liberty  and  the  original 
house  of  our  Government  in  this  city  was  destroyed  by  the  ruthless  devastating 
torch  of  the  British  soldier. 

Let  me  warn  you  who  are  inclined  to  trust  England  that  the  same 
spirit  of  contempt  for  the  American  Republic  still  persists  in  the  same  quarters 
that  inspired  the  orders  to  destroy  our  Capitol.  If  England  ever  secures  the 
power  of  dominating  American  ideals,  such  as  is  contemplated  in  the  proposed 
league  of  nations,  is  there  any  of  you  who  can  guarantee  to  the  American 
people  that  England  would  again  not  do  the  same,  if  not  worse,  than  Cockburn 
did  in  1814? 

This  incident  of  American  history  is  not  recalled  to  you  in  any  spirit  of  hatred 
against  England,  but  only  from  the  prudence  of  my  American  citizenship  that 
can  not  still  the  fear  that  we  will  be  taking  a  grave  chance  in  entering  into  this 
proposed  entangling  alliance  with  monarchical  powers,  and  as  a  lawyer  repre¬ 
senting  a  group  of  practicing  lawyers  I  counsel  and  advise  against  taking  any 
chances  with  our  historical  and  traditional  enemy.  A  small  leak  can  lead 
to  the  destruction  of  the  mightiest  dam  and  your  care  should  be  to  prevent 
anything  that  might  lead  to  a  leak  of  American  and  republican  principles., 
for  if  the  dam  that  has  been  built  to  protect  the  American  people  and  the 
principles  of  liberty  ever  gives  way  the  best  minds  of  the  world  must  agree 
that  no  man  can  foretell  the  awful  destruction  that  will  follow. 

The  President  may  cling  to  his  ideals,  but  as  an  American  lawyer  and  on 
behalf  of  this  delegation  of  lawyers  from  New  England  we  deliberately  assert 
that  the  President  has  no  right  to  entertain  in  his  official  capacity  ideals  that 
interfere  or  modify  or  control  in  the  slightest  degree  the  accepted  and  estab¬ 
lished  ideals  of  American  liberty  as  laid  down  in  our  Declaration  of  Inde¬ 
pendence  and  National  Constitution.  We  in  this  delegation  represent  the  tradi¬ 
tions  and  teachings  of  James  Otis,  Samuel  and  John  Adams,  and  Daniel  Webster, 
and  we  fervidly  and  earnestly  appeal  to  you,  most  of  whom  are  lawyers,  in 
their  name  not  to  forget  the  basic  reasons  that  brought  about  the  establishment 
of  the  United  States  of  America  as  a  Republic  separate  and  distinct  from  ail 
other  races  and  governments. 

We  urge  that  if  the  principles  of  a  republican  form  of  government  were  suffi¬ 
cient  to  justify  the  establishment  of  the  American  Republic  in  1776  they  are 
just  as  sound  in  1919  to  justify  the  establishment  of  an  Irish  republic  in  Ire¬ 
land.  This  Republic  was  established  on  the  doctrine  of  majority  rule  and  all 
authorities  agree  that  over  80  per  cent  of  the  Irish  people  have  followed  the 
course  of  the  American  Republic  and  have  established  for  themselves  an 
Irish  republic,  and  hence  we  respectfully  urge,  that,  having  expressed  to  the 
Irish  people  the  sympathy  of  the  American  people  on  the  efforts  of  the  Irish 
people  to  secure  independence  by  a  vote  of  60  to  1,  the  consistent  and  proper 
thing  to  do  now  is  to  officially  recognize  Ireland  as  a  republic.  You  have  heard 
to-day  from  the  lips  of  eminent  Americans  who  have  been  in  Ireland  enough  to 
justify  you  in  acting  immediately  and  stating  to  the  world  that  you  are  satis¬ 
fied  that  the  Irish  people  have  legally  established  themselves  as  a  republic. 


908 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


So  much  has  been  called  to  your  attention  to-day  on  this  very  important 
matter  that  I  will  not  tire  you  by  recurring  to  any  of  the  various  points  dwelt 
upon  by  those  who  have  already  addressed  you.  But  it  does  seem  pertinent 
to  lead  your  thoughts  to  that  old  bogey  and  masterpiece  of  British  propaganda, 
the  Ulster  question,  and,  at  the  risk  of  taxing  your  patience,  I  ask  your  in¬ 
dulgence  to  read  an  authoritative  statement  from  Ernest  A.  Boyd,  one  of  the 
leading  Protestant  Irishmen  of  these  days  and  an  official  of  the  British  consular 
service :  Ulster  is  a  purely  geographical  term  which  describes  the  northern 
Province  of  Ireland  containing  the  nine  counties  of  Donegal,  Cavan,  Monaghan, 
Tyrone,  Armagh,  Fermanagh,  Down,  Antrim,  and  Derry. 

This  region  is  intimately  and  gloriously  associated  with  the  greatest  tradi¬ 
tions,  literary  and  historical,  of  the  Irish  nation  from  the  earliest  time,  when 
it  was  the  scene  of  the  epic  masterpiece  of  Celtic  literature,  down  to  the  eve 
of  the  union,  when  Wolfe  Tone  conceived  his  dream  of  the  United  Irishmen  in 
Belfast,  and  Grattan  founded  at  Dunegannon  the  volunteers  of  prophetic  sig¬ 
nificance.  Evidently  this  Irish  Ulster  is  not  the  “  Ulster  ”  which  has  called 
forth  the  rebellious  enthusiasm  of  Sir  Edward  Carson  and  his  English  friends. 
The  one  is  a  national,  the  other  a  political  phenomenon ;  yet,  strange  to  say, 
owing  to  the  absence  of  inverted  commas,  it  is  on  behalf  of  the  political 
“Ulster”  that  a  plea  for  self-determination  is  often  raised  by  those  who  argue 
that  she  can  not  deny  to  Ulster  the  right  which  she  claims  for  herself.  In 
other  words,  the  demand  of  the  Irish  people  for. self-government  presents  itself 
as  indistinguishable  from  the  claim  of  “  Ulster  ”  to  revolt  against  the  laws  of 
national  and  political  unity.  If  the  principle  of  national  be  the  test  to  the 
right  of  self-determination,  then  it  is  important  to  distinguish  between  Ulster 
and  “  Ulster.”  The  history  of  the  Plantation  of  Ulster  need  not  be  recapitu¬ 
lated  to-day.  The  facts  are  historical,  and,  whatever  else  may  be  said  of  them, 
they  are  hardly  the  best  foundation  to  a  claim  to  special  consideration  at  the 
expense  of  the  native  population  of  the  country  upon  which  the  settlers  were 
thrust. 

The  present  obstacles  in  the  way  of  any  acceptance  of  the  theory  that  Ulster 
is  a  homogeneous  entity  are  sufficient  to  dispense  with  a  return  to  ancient 
history  in  the  manner  of  which  we  Irish  are  accused  of  being  over  fond.  In 
H911  the  total  population  of  our  northern  Province  was  1,581,096,  of  which 
G90.S16  were  Catholic  Nationalists.  Politically,  this  division  was  emphasized 
by  the  return  of  17  Nationalists  as  against  16  Unionist  members  of  Parliament. 
Even  since  the  last  election,  when  a  redistribution  of  seats  and  the  split  of  the 
Nationlist  vote  between  Nationalists  and  Sinn  Feiners  affected  these  figures  to 
the  advantage  of  the  Unionist,  there  is  still  a  majority  in  Ulster  united  with 
the  majority  elsewhere  in  Ireland  so  far  as  the  demand  for  an  Irish  Parliament 
is  concerned.  Ulster  is  neither  Unionist  nor  Protestant.  Three  counties,  Done¬ 
gal,  Canan,  and  Monoghan,  are  almost  wholly  Catholic.  Catholics  and  Protest¬ 
ants  are  about  equally  divided  in  Armagh,  Tyrone,  and  Fermanagh;  and  it  is 
only  in  the  three  counties  of  Down,  Antrim,  and  Derry  that  there  is  a  strong 
Protestant  Unionist  majority.  Even  there  Belfast  has  returned  one  Nationalist 
member  representing  the  Home  ltule  Catholic  minority.  If  the  four  counties 
known  as  Northeast  Ulster  are  grouped  together  for  electoral  purposes,  it  is 
found  that  5  Nationalists  are  elected  as  against  14  Unionists.  The  remaining 
five  counties  returned  12  Nationalists  and  only  2  Unionists.  Clearly,  it  is  im¬ 
possible  to  consider  Ulster  as  a  political  and  religious  unity.  If  the  right  of 
Ireland  to  self-determination  be  granted,  not  only  will  a  minority  of  the  whole 
country  be  coerced,  but  a  minority  in  Ulster  itself. 

To  do  Ulster  justice,  those  interested  have  rarely  dared  to  base  their  demand 
for  separate  treatment  on  the  ground  of  a  majority  right  to  self-determination. 
Carsonia  is  frankly  antidemocratic  and  particularist,  demanding  specal  conces¬ 
sions  for  a  majority  on  the  sole  ground  of  local  advantage,  and  without  any 
thought  for  the  rights  of  the  majority  in  Ulster  or  for  the  remaining  Provinces  of 
Ireland.  It  is  alleged  that  Ulster  has  prospered  since  the  union,  that  it  is  pas¬ 
sionately  devoted  to  England — not  the  Empire,  for  colonial  home  rule  is  abhor¬ 
rent — that  its  interests  are  opposed  to  those  of  the  rest  of  Ireland,  and  that 
these  would  suffer  at  the  hands  of  a  legislature  representing  an  agricultural 
community  and  dominated  by  Catholicism.  The  very  arguments  cited  in  favor 
of  Ulster  are  a  proof  of  the  particularism  and  purely  local  selfishness  of  their 
champions.  So  far  as  the  prosperity  of  Ulster  is  concerned  it  is  limited  to  a 
few  industries  in  a  restricted  area. 

The  Province  shows  the  second  highest  total  of  emigration  for  all  Ireland 
between  1S51  and  1911 — namely,  1,236,872 — and  between  1841  and  1911  the 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


909 


population  of  Ulster  had  declined  by  805,177  persons.  Three  Ulster  counties 
are  on  the  list  of  Irish  counties  with  the  greatest  number  of  emigrants,  and  two  of 
them  are  in  the  superprosperous,  supercontented  “  northeast  corner  ” — namely, 
Antrim,  with  297,605,  and  Down,  with  162,571.  And  as  showing  that  this  de¬ 
cline  of  man  power  is  not  a  heritage  of  papal  superstition,  these  figures  are 
higher  than  those  of  the  third  county,  Tyrone,  whose  emigrants  over  the  same 
period  numbered  149,243. 

As  for  the  pretense  that  a  poverty  stricken  agricultural  population  would 
victimize  the  “  prosperous  ”  industrial  minority,  it  is  worth  noting  that  the  tax¬ 
able  revenue  per  head  is  lower  in  Ulster  than  in  Leinster,  being  £3  9s.  8d.  in  the 
former,  £4  8s.  9d.  in  the  latter,  and  that  congested  districts,  with  all  the  mis¬ 
ery  the  words  can  note,  are  found  in  Ulster  no  less  than  in  Connaught.  On  per 
capita  valuation  the  highest  northern  country  ranks  only  twelfth  in  Ireland.  In 
fact,  what  Ulster  fears  even  more  than  it  fears  democratic  government  is  demo¬ 
cratic  taxation.  Its  claim  to  self-determination  is  a  claim  for  capitalist  determi¬ 
nation  alike  for  Ireland  and  Ulster. 

Every  Irishman  knows  how  profound  is  the  indifference  of  Ulster  to  Eng¬ 
lish  interests  or  English  sentiment  whenever  these  threatened  to  clash  with  the 
interests  of  Carsonism.  The  professions  of  undying  affection  for  England  no 
more  corresponds  to  individual  sentiment  than  do  the  boastings  of  economic 
independence  to  individual  interests.  Should  northeast  Ulster  become  Carson- 
shire  under  separate  English  administration,  nobody  would  be  more  seriously 
disturbed  than  the  Ulster  bankers  and  the  thousand  and  one  business  men  who 
do  not  own  the  few  favored  industries  independent  of  Irish  support.  '  In  other 
words,  these  purely  selfish  manifestations  of  loyalty  to  England  and  inde¬ 
pendence  of  Ireland  made  possible  only  by  exploiting  popular  religious  bigotry 
do  not  represent  real  political  and  social  conditions.  They  are  as  remote  from 
the  facts  of  Ulster’s  life  as  are  the  panic  fears  of  Catholicism  which  haunt  the 
imagination  of  the  Protestants  where  they  are  a  dominating  majority,  but  are 
proved  groundless  by  their  absence  in  the  scattered  Protestant  minorities  out¬ 
side  of  northeast  Ulster. 

“  Ulster  ”  is  not,  as  has  been  shown,  a  geographical  entity ;  it  is  certainly  not 
a  national  organism ;  it  is  not  even  homogeneous  in  religion  and  politics.  It  is 
an  integral  part  of  the  Province  whose  name  it  usurps,  and  its  separatism  flour¬ 
ishes  solely  because  a  small  portion  of  the  community,  led  by  strangers,  has 
not  been  exposed  to  the  process  of  incorporation  into  the  national  and  economic 
being,  such  as  has  everywhere  resulted  in  political  unity.  We  do  not  anticipate 
civil  war,  which  has  in  most  cases  preceded  the  welding  together  of  similarly 
divided  communities,  for  we  hold  that  the  work  of  absorption  will  be  painlessly 
effected  by  economic  pressure.  At  the  worst,  a  trial  of  strength  in  war,  as  be¬ 
tween  the  Federal  and  Confederate  States  of  North  America,  would  lead  to  the 
definite  establishment  of  a  dominant  majority.  It  is  immaterial  which  side 
should  win,  provided  one  were  irrevocably  defeated.  The  consequences  of  an 
Irish  civil  war  could  not  mean  one-quarter  of  the  misery,  waste,  and  disruption 
which  a  continuance  of  this  unsettled  problem  has  brought  upon  Ireland. 
Fortunately,  however,  there  are  not  even  two  parties  of  extremists  who  believe 
in  the  probability  *of  civil  war,  and  one  set  of  extremists  in  a  nation  of  essen¬ 
tially  moderate  and  well-disposed  people  will  have  some  difficulty  in  making 
Ireland  follow  the  example  of  other  countries  faced  with  the  same  problem. 

Irishmen  plead  that  as  the  word  “  Ulster  ”  is  misused  in  this  connection,  so 
is  the  word  “  coercion.”  The  coercion  in  question  is  the  same  as  that  to  which 
all  minorities  have  submitted.  It  does  not  stand  for  the  forcible  oppression  of 
an  independent  people  by  an  alien  government,  for,  whatever  their  political 
origin,  Ulstermen  are  self-confessedly  and  aggressively  Irish.  They  are  asked 
to  rid  themselves  of  their  hallucinations  fostered  by  those  who  exploit  them 
brazenly.  It.  is  a  peculiar  fact  that  the  people  of  “  Ulster  ”  have  never  yet 
been  allowed  to  speak  for  themselves.  The  Catholic  peasantry  became  articu¬ 
late  in  the  person  of  Michael  Davitt,  the  Catholic  worker  in  .Tames  Connolly, 
both  notable  spokesmen  of  the  ideals  of  democracy,  it  is  interesting  to  state. 
Orangeism  relies  upon  lawyers  and  capitalists  for  the  expression  of  its  views, 
and  these  representatives  have  a  consistent  record  of  opposition  to  every  pro¬ 
gressive  measure  passed  by  the  House  of  Commons  and  to  every  progressive 
idea  which  has  captured  the  Irish  peoeple.  To  witness  the  savage  carnivals, 
the  “  annual  brain  storm,”  as  it  has  been  termed,  in  which  “  Ulster”  renews  its 
barbarous  hatred- of  the  phantoms  which  blind  the  people  to  real  issues,  is  to 
understand  the  imperative  necessity  of  liberating  the  victims,  They  can  b« 


910 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


freed  not  by  special  recognition  of  tlieir  primitive  tribalism,  but  by  sharing 
tbe  common  duties  and  privileges  of  Irish  self-government. 

Senators,  if  there  be  a  free  Ireland,  there  will  be  a  free  “  Ulster.” 


No.  3. 

Statement  by  James  E.  Deery,  Indianapolis,  National  President  of  the 

Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians  in  America. 

To  the  Foreign  Relations  Committee,  United  States  Senate  : 

The  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians,  at  their  recent  national  convention  held  in 
San  Francisco,  Calif.,  last  month,  adopted  a  resolution  insisting  that  in  the 
event  that  a  league  of  nations  covenant  was  adopted  that  provision  be  made 
therein  for  the  recognition  of  Ireland  as  a  member  thereof.  The  Hibernians 
feel  that  every  nation  in  the  world,  and  particularly  America,  was  inspired  to 
victory  in  the  recent  war  by  the  thought  that  when  the  terms  of  peace  were 
drawn  up  the  world  would  be  made  safe  for  democracy  and  that  all  small 
nations  would  be  given  the  right  to  determine  the  form  of  government  under 
which  they  desired  to  live.  The  Hibernians  are  interested  in  this'  question  now 
before  the  Senate  committee  solely  as  American  citizens  and  lovers  of  liberty. 
The  Hibernians  are  proud  of  the  record  for  100  per  cent  Americanism  made  by 
the  Irish  in  this  country  from  the  days  of  the  revolution  to  the  present  time. 

When  America  was  looking  for  outside  help,  prior  to  the  War  of  the  Revolu¬ 
tion,  they  sent  Benjamin  Franklin  to  Europe,  and  in  no  country  did  he  receive 
more  encouragement  and  support  in  behalf  of  the  America  cause  than  from  Ire¬ 
land.  They  not  only  held  meetings  throughout  Ireland  but  they  raised  funds 
with  which  to  help  finance  the  colonies. 

Recently  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  asking  the  United  States 
Senate  to  ratify  a  treaty  with  France  regarding  her  boundaries,  urged  that  we 
were  but  repaying  our  debt  of  the  revolution.  History  records  the  fact  that  the 
first  troops  in  France  to  petition  permission  to  come  to  the  assistance  of  America 
in  the  days  of  the  revolution  were  the  members  of  the  Irish  Brigade,  a  part  of 
the  French  Army,  and  the  first  French  troops  to  land  on  our  shores  were  2,300 
Irishmen  under  Count  Dillion.  Likewise,  exiles  from  Ireland  found  their  way 
to  America  and  fought  throughout  the  war  in  the  continental  forces.  It  is  esti¬ 
mated  that  50  per  cent  of  Washington’s  Army  was  made  up  of  Irishmen.  In  an 
investigation  made  by  the  English  Parliament  at  the  time  of  the  revolution  it 
was  shown  that  in  some  parts  of  the  American  Army  the  Gaelic  language  was 
spoken  more  than  the  English.  So  that  if  we  have  any  debts  to  pay  for  assist¬ 
ance  rendered  us  in  the  war  of  the  revolution  Ireland’s  claim  should  come  first. 

As  the  league  of  nations  now  stands  we  feel  that  article  10  prevents  America 
repaying  her  debt  to  Ireland.  The  Hibernians  sincerely  trust  that  before  the 
terms  of  peace  are  ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate  that  the  Senate  will 
officially  recognize  the  republic  of  Ireland  as  a  free  and  independent  nation. 


No. 

Statement  of  Rev.  F.  X.  McCabe,  C.  M.,  LL.  D.,  President  Depattl 

University,  Chicago,  III. 

I  would  like  to  present  before  your  honorable  body  this  short  statement. 
The  war  was  fought,  according  to  the  pledges  made  to  the  people  of  this 
country  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  to  put  an  end  to  all  autocratic 
forms  of  government,  and  thus  make  the  world  safe  for  democracy ;  to 
liberate  the  nations  held  in  bondage  by  stronger  powers  and  give  them  the 
opportunity  of  selecting  their  own  form  of  government.  On  the  strength  of 
these  pledges  American  men  fought  and  died,  and  their  sacrifices  and  valor 
won  the  war.  The  time  for  making  good  the  pledges  has  come.  As  American 
citizens  we  have  done  our  part  and  more  than  our  part.  We  have  a  right 
to  demand  that  the  pledges  made  be  kept  and  can  not  tolerate  post-armistice 
interpretations  made  by  the  Chief  Executive  for  the  purpose  of  evading  the 
fulfillment  of  those  pledges.  We  can  not  as  American  citizens  tolerate  a 
league  of  nations  that  impairs  the  sovereignty  of  these  United  States.  We 
believe  that  your  committee  will  stand  firm  and  save  our  country  from  the 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


911 


catastrophe  of  being  made  the  cats-paw  in  European  politics.  We  feel  that 
you  can  see  that  both  the  treaty  and  the  league  of  nations  make  the  two 
greatest  empires  of  the  world  stronger  than  ever,  and  place  our  country 
between  them  to  be  crushed  by  their  combined  force  any  time  they  see  it  to 
their  interest.  The  giving  of  Shantung  to  Japan  and  the'  refusal  to  recognize 
the  rights  of  the  people  of  Ireland  are  crimes  against  the  democratic  ideals  of 
our  country,  branding  us  before  the  world  as  absolutely  faithless  to  the  men 
that  died,  to  the  men  that  fought,  to  the  American  people  and  to  the 
oppressed  nations  of  the  world.  In  the  name  of  justice  and  decency  repudiate 
the  league  of  nations  and  demand  the  fulfillment  of  America’s  word  of  honor. 


No.  5. 

Statement  of  Mrs.  Mary  F.  McWhorter,  National.  President  Ladies' 
Auxiliary,  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians  in  America. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  :  When  the  President  of  the  United  States 
issued  the  call  to  American  manhood  to  go  to  the  battle  fields  of  Europe  to 
vindicate  American  ideals  of  democracy  none  answered  the  call  more  readily 
than  did  American  boys  of  Irish  blood. 

During  the  time  our  country  was  engaged  in  winning  the  war  the  women  of 
the  organization  which  I  reiwesent  rendered  splendid  service  to  the  Nation  in 
every  line  of  war  work.  In  order  that  the  service  rendered  along  this  line 
might  be  of  the  very  best,  it  was  my  duty  to  visit  33  States  of  the  Union  during 
that  time.  During  these  visits  I  addressed  gatherings  of  the  members  of  this 
organization  in  from  two  to  eight  towns  in  each  one  of  those  States.  In  this 
way  I  had  the  privilege  of  meeting  many  of  the  mothers  of  the  American  boys 
of  Irish  blood  who  were  fighting  in  the  trenches  in  Flanders.  The  sacrifices 
made  by  these  mothers  would  wring  tears  from  the  eyes  of  the  most  hard¬ 
hearted.  Many  of  them  are  widows  who  had  worked  hard  to  give  their  boys 
the  necessary  education  to  tilll  good  positions.  A  soldier’s  pay  wTas  a  very  poor 
substitute  for  the  salary  these  boys  were  earning.  I  know  well  that  in  many 
cases  these  widowed  mothers  had  to  go  to  work  again  in  order  to  keep  the 
little  home  intact.  They  never  uttered  a  complaint,  because  they  felt  that  their 
boys  -were  given  to  a  holy  cause — that  of  freeing  the  enslaved  peoples  of  the 
whole  world,  among  which  they  surely  thought  were  included  the  people  of  the 
land  of  their  origin,  Ireland.  And  so,  as  I  have  already  said,  they  bore  all 
their  privations  cheerfully  and  uncomplainingly,  and,  besides  earning  their 
r  ily  bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brow,  they  also  gave  splendid  service  to  Red 
Cross  and  other  war-service  societies. 

During  the  war,  while  every  member  of  my  organization  was  actively  en¬ 
gaged  in  war  work,  you  may  know  very  little  was  accomplished  in  the  way 
of  recruiting  new  members,  hence  since  the  signing  of  the  armistice  a  period 
of  reconstruction  has  set  in.  This,  too,  has  kept  me  constantly  traveling  from 
one  State  to  the  other.  I  find  a  great  change  in  the  spirit  of  our  members,  in 
which  keen  disappointment  is  the  dominant  note.  The  glowing  words  of  our 
great  President  uttered  on  our  entrance  into  the  World  War  have  no  longer 
the  power  to  inspire  and  uplift,  for  the  people  have  lost  all  faith  in  them.  I 
find  this  feeling  of  discontent  not  only  among  the  American  people  of  Irish 
blood,  but  among  other  Americans  as  well.  The  press  of  America,  with  but 
few  exceptions,  make  it  appear  that  the  great  mass  of  the  American  people 
favor  the  league  of  nations.  Gentlemen  of  the  committee,  there  is  a  growing 
spirit  of  opposition  to  this  proposed  league  that  it  would  be  well  for  those  who 
sincerely  and  honestly  love  America  and  who  wish  to  safeguard  America’s  real 
interests  to  heed.  If  is  my  honest  opinion  that  if  every  American  was  made 
familiar  with  what  this  league  really  means  to  America  there  would  arise 
such  a  storm  of  protest  against  it  that  it  would  be  heard  around  the  world. 
Liberty  loving  Americans  who  have  a  just  pride  in  our  great  Nation  will  never 
stand  to  have  this  Republic  made  the  tail  of  the  British  kite. 

Speaking  for  the  people  of  Ireland  who  have  aroused  the  admiration  of  all 
liberty-loving  people  the  world  over  by  their  brave  fight  for  their  national 
rights,  I  have  this  to  say : 

The  contemplation  of  what  these  people  are  suffering  to-day  is  the  cause  of 
great  agony  of  mind  to  those  of  their  blood  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  The 
sanctity  of  the  Irish  home  is  violated  night  after  night.  I  ask  you,  gentlemen 
of  the  committee,  to  picture  the  condition  of  the  minds  of  the  mothers  in  Ire- 


912 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


land — they  never  know  from  one  night  to  another  when  their  homes  are  to  be 
invaded  and  the  children  of  their  affection  dragged  out  and  thrown  into  prison. 
Have  pity  on  these  mothers  and  refrain  from  an  act  that  will  continue  this 
suffering  indefinitely,  for  the  Irish  will  never  give  up  their  fight  for  freedom 
while  a  remnant  of  the  race  remains. 

The  Irish  republic  was  established  according  to  the  expressed  sentiments  of 
our.  great  President  “  the  right  of  self-determination  for  all  peoples  ”  echoed 
around  the  world  at  the  time  this  now  famous  slogan  was  uttered — it  even  found 
its  way  into  Ireland  despite  the  wall  of  silence  England  had  built  around  that 
unhappy  island.  The  young  men  of  Ireland  were  inspired  with  a  new  courage 
and  when  they  had  an  opportunity  last  December  at  the  general  election  they 
“  self-determined  ”  for  an  Irish  republic,  feeling  sure  they  were  carrying  out 
the  wishes  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  They  still  have  faith  in  our 
President  despite  unfavorable  appearances. 

Eamonn  De Valera,  the  President  of  the  Irish  republic,  is  in  our  midst  to 
make  an  appeal  to  the  American  peolpe.  He  has  already  won  millions  of 
Americans  to  his  cause.  He  is  a  young  man  who  has  made  untold  sacrifices 
for  the  ideals  which  he  represents.  Life  would  be  very  easy  and  comfortable 
did  he  but  chose  to  abandon  those  ideals,  but  he  has  taken  up  the  harder  but 
the  nobler  cause  while  his  young  wife  and  his  six  small  children  languish  in 
Ireland  and  sigh  for  the  absent  husband  and  father.  Eamonn  DeValera  is 
typical  of  the  young  men  of  Ireland  to-day — surely  to  the  minds  of  all  liberty- 
loving  Americans  their  cause  is  a  just  cause,  and  surely  this  is  the  time  for 
America  to  pay  her  long-standing  debt  of  gratitude  to  Ireland.  The  millions 
of  Americans  of  Irish  biood  expect  this  debt  to  be  paid  and  they  have  a  right 
to  expect  it. 


No.  6. 

Statement  submitted  by  District  Attorney  Joseph  C.  Pelletier,  of  Boston, 
supreme  advocate  of  the  Knights  of  Columbus,  and  speaking  in  behalf  of  the 
bench  and  bar  committee  of  the  Irish  Victory  Fund : 

After  hearing  the  wonderful  presentation  of  the  case  against  the  proposed 
league  of  nations  set  forth  in  such  logical,  powerful,  and  truly  American  spirit, 
I  feel  the  thrill  of  the  schoolboy  after  first  learing  the  story  of  Washington 
and  the  patriot  fathers  who  won  our  independence  and  made  possible  this  great 
Republic. 

Every  man  of  Irish  blood  or  descent,  every  man  from  the  country  of  op¬ 
pressed  peoples  felt  that, the  14  points  laid  down  by  President  Wilson  justified 
the  last  sacrifice  and  the  greatest  conceivable  loss.  We  entered  the  World  War 
for  humanity,  for  democracy,  that  men  everywhere  might  be  lifted  from  op¬ 
pression  and  restored  to  their  God-given  right  of  self-determination.  Which  of 
all  the  subject  peoples  of  the  world  so  nearly  fell  within  the  limitations  pre¬ 
scribed  by  our  President,  which  of  them  all  so  clearly  appealed  to  the  American 
heart  and  head  and  hand  as  the  republic  of  Ireland? 

Always  a  nation,  ever  protesting  foreign  oppression,  more  recently  adopting 
a  free  government  by  public  vote,  to-day  as  ever  held  in  subjection  by  the  armed 
forces  of  the  dominant  aggressor  of  700  years,  Ireland  claims  her  right  to  rec¬ 
ognition,  her  right  to  the  fruits  of  this  great  world  conflict,  and  the  American 
people  will  not  deny  her  rights.  The  league  of  nations  as  presented  ignores 
the  declaration  of  President  Wilson,  ignores  the  right  of  the  subject  people  of 
Ireland,  ignores  the  government  of  the  republic  of  Ireland  lawfully  set  up — 
to  adopt  it  as  written  is  to*  deny  the  principles  upon  which  we  entered  the  war 
and  to  say  to  subject  peoples,  unless  the  Big  Four  say  so  you  shall  not  be  recog¬ 
nized,  you  must  invoke  bloodshed  and  war  to  assert  your  rights,  and  we  will 
use  our  joint  united  forces  to  keep  you  down. 

Gentlemen,  let  there  be  no  league  based  on  fraud,  on  the  rule  of  might !  Un¬ 
less  the  republic  of  Ireland  is  openly  acknowledged,  let  us  refuse  to  join  in  a 
conspiracy  to  cheat  the  downtrodden  of  the  world!  Let  us  insist  that  the  14 
points  be  accepted  as  declared,  not  subject  to  hidden  treaties  and  agreements 
making  them  null  and  void. 


No.  7. 

Statement  of  Hon.  Joseph  P.  Mahoney,  Chicago,  III.,  Former  State  Senator. 

Mr.  Chairman,  a  time  has  again  arrived  when  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  must  exercise  the  power  imposed  on  it  by  the  Constitution  for  the 
preservation  of  this  great  Nation.  As  president  of  the  United  Societies  of 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


913 


Chicago,  I  am  commissioned  to  attend  the  meeting  of  your  committee  to-day 
to  inform  your  honorable  body  of  the  views  of  some  750,000  people  of  Irish 
blood  who  reside  in  Chicago  upon  the  question  of  adopting  or  approving  the 
league  of  nations  pending  before  your  committee.  As  American  citizens  we 
stand  unalterably  opposed  to  this  measure,  and  we  most  earnestly  call  upon 
your  committee  to  report  it  back  to  the  Senate  with  the  recommendation  that 
the  Senate  refuse  to  concur  in  and  approve  of  it.  We  believe  that  the  country 
has  greater  cause  to-day  in  view  of  the  intrigues,  secret  treaties,  and  decep¬ 
tion  on  the  part  of  the  great  nations  who  propose  to  be  the  signatories  with 
us  to  this  proposed  league  of  nations,  to  refrain  from  entering  into  any  en¬ 
tangling  alliance  with  European  nations  than  we  did  at  the  date  of  the 
warning  in  Washington’s  Farewell  Address.  For  more  than  a  hundred  years 
we  have  prospered  in  attending  to  our  own  affairs;  let  us  stick  to  the  old 
plan.  Gentlemen,  in  the  name  of  freedom,  let  us  return  once  more  to  that 
honorable  and  independent  position  among  the  nations  under  which  we  have, 
made  such  remarkable  progress,  that  to-day  we  are  the  foremost  Nation  of 
the  world.  Let  us  stand  firmly  for  the  struggling  young  republics  growing 
out  of  the  recent  war,  and  extend  to  them  our  early  recognition  and  support. 
This  is  the  wish  of  the  people  of  Irish  birth  or  descent  in  the  United  States 
and  of  all  Americans  who  love  their  land. 


No.  8. 

Statement  of  Judge  O’Neill  Ryan,  of  St.  Louis. 

Senators  :  As  I  understand,  you  desire  to  hear  our  views  on  the  league  of 
nations  in  so  far  as  we  represent  public  sentiment  in  our  respective  communi¬ 
ties,  and  also  what  is  our  special  viewpoint  as  to  the  effect  of  the  league  on 
Ireland’s  right  which  she  has  determined  to  a  republican  form  of  government. 
Together  with  my  colleagues  from  St.  Louis,  I  represent  many  thousands  of 
Americans  of  Irish  birth  or  descent  in  various  organizations ;  also  we  believe 
we  speak  the  sentiments  of  many  more  thousands  of  the  race  who  are  not  in 
any  organized  bodies,  but  who  are  profoundly  interested  in  this  question  and 
who  believe  that  Ireland  should  be  recognized  by  this  Government  as  a  re¬ 
public.  We  may  safely  say  that  all.  for  whom  we  speak  are  confident  that  if 
this  league  is  adopted  in  its  present  form  and  this  Government  becomes  signa¬ 
tory,  Ireland  will  continue  as  she  has  been  for  centuries,  a  subject  country, 
and  under  a  power  that  has  never  hesitated  to  drain  her  life’s  blood  physically 
and  economically.  Personally,  I  am  absolutely  opposed  to  my  country  becom¬ 
ing  a  signatory  to  this  league  no  matter  what  amendments  or  reservations 
thereto  may  be  made.  I  believe  in  its  essence  it  strikes  at  and  is  antagonistic 
to  the  Constitution  of  our  country  and  the  fundamental  principles  of  human 
liberty  upon  which  that  Constitution  is  rested.  We  have  guaranteed  by  our 
Federal  Constitution  a  republican  form  of  government  to  every  State  of  the 
Union.  By  this  instrument  we  would  undertake  to  guarantee  the  perpetuation 
of  forms  of  government  which  are  hostile  to  our  own  both  in  their  principles 
and  in  their  practices.  That  the  United  States  should  undertake  to  guarantee 
with  its  blood  and  treasure  the  perpetuation  of  monarchies  and  empires  should 
be  unthinkable  to  any  sound  American  mind.  I  believe  this  sentiment  against 
any  league  of  nations  so  far  as  our  country  is  concerned  is  rapidly  growing, 
and  that  the  great  debates  which  have  been  going  on  in  the  Senate  chamber 
are  informing  and  convincing  the  American  people  who  have  hitherto  been 
kept  in  ignorance  of  the  facts  and  have  been  deluded  by  the  specious  pretext 
that  the  league  meant  peace. 

So  far  as  its  immediate  effect  upon  Ireland  is  concerned,  I  recall  the  ques¬ 
tion  of  just  this  morning,  that  Senator  Brandagee  addressed  to  Mr.  Walsh,  in¬ 
quiring  if  he  had  read  the  address  of  Senator  Walsh  and  what  he  believed  as  to 
his  argument  that  this  league  would  protect  Ireland.  Mr.  Walsh  answered  he 
had  not  read  the  speech.  I  read  every  word  of  it,  as  I  have  read  perhaps  every 
word  of  all  the  addresses  upon  this  subject  in  the  Senate,  as  they  have  appeared 
in  the  Congressional  Record.  The  answer  is  that  the  argument  of  Senator 
Walsh  is  absolutely  fallacious.  By  article  10  we  undertake  in  substance  to  re¬ 
spect  and  guarantee  the  territorial  integrity  and  political  independence  of  the 
signatory  powers,  guaranteeing  that  territorial  integrity  against  external  ag- 


914 


TREATY  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


gression.  No  one  but  knows  that  Ireland  unaided  can  not  throw  off  by  force 
the  yoke  of  British  tyranny.  But  in  one  of  two  ways  can  the  Irish  republic  be¬ 
come  de  jure  facto  as  it  is  now  de  facto.  One  is  by  its  recognition  by  the  United 
States  and  the  eifect  of  that  being  to  compel  its  recognition  by  England,  and  the 
other  is  by  revolution  aided  by  outside  power.  Ireland  to-day  is  an-  armed 
camp.  It  is  under  a  military  despotism  like  unto  that  to  which  Belgium  was 
subjected  by  Germany,  and  Egypt  is  now  subjected  by  England,  and  Korea  by 
Japan.  If  this  league  were  joined  in  by  this  Nation,  and  Ireland  sought  to 
overthrow  that  power  which  now  dominates  her  by  military  force  and  there 
was  interference  on  her  behalf  by  any  other  country  so  that  the  words  “  ex¬ 
ternal  aggression  ”  came  into  effect,  if  England  needed  or  asked  our  aid  it 
would  become  our  duty  at  once  to  give  to  her  our  military  power  to  destroy 
Ireland’s  efforts  at  freedom.  In  other  words,  it  is  absolutely  impossible  for  Ire¬ 
land  unaided  to  successfully  revolt  against  English  power.  We  would  guarantee 
by  this  covenant  that  no  foreign  power  could  interfere  on  her  behalf  without 
knowing  that  this  Nation  would  with  her  money  and  men  take  England’s  side 
of  the  conflict.  That  is  the  plain  reading  of  the  covenant. 

However  my  own  feeling,  and  as  I  said  before,  I  believe  the  feeling  is  grow¬ 
ing  enormously,  is  that  in  no  circumstances  and  with  no  reservations  or  amend¬ 
ments,  should  we  become  signatory  to  the  league.  Not  even  if  Ireland  were  in¬ 
dependent,  if  she  were  a  republic,  and  her  territorial  integrity  and  form  of 
government  guaranteed  by  this  Nation,  would  it  still  be  either  just  or  wise 
for  this  Nation  to  become  party  thereto.  That  I  say,  in  view  of  what  we  know 
to  be  the  gross  injustices  and  flagrant  violation  of  the  rights  of  subject  peoples 
that  have  been  perpetrated  by  at  least  two  of  the  great  signatory  powers 
and  that  we  would  guarantee  if  we  became  party,  and  we  know  not  what  other 
secret  arrangements  have  been  made  by  which  other  peoples  are  plundered  and 
their  countries  divided  like  the  vultures  plucked  at  the  vitals  of  Prometheus, 
Ireland  would  not  want  her  liberty  at  the  expense  of  the  liberties  of  other  peo¬ 
ples.  The  Senate  alone  stands  between  the  people  of  this  country  and  the  Con¬ 
stitution  of  our  Government,  and  those  who  would  destroy  the  people  and  vio¬ 
late  the  Constitution.  Many  of  you  gentlemen  have  made  a  magnificent  fight 
against  this  league,  and  once  again  it  becomes  manifest  that  the  people  of  this 
country  must  turn  to  the  Republicans  to  save  it  from  desecration  and ’division. 


No.  9. 

Statement  oe  Daniel  T.  O’Connell,  Director  of  the  Irish  National  Bureau, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

The  wave  of  spontaneous  support  of  the  cause  of  Ireland  that  has  swept 
America  and  finds  voice  at  this  hearing  is  convincing  proof  that  the  people 
of  the  United  States  demand  that  Ireland  be  free. 

The  teachings  of  Washington,  Jefferson,  Patrick  Henry,  John  and  Samuel 
Adams,  John  Hancock,  James  Otis,  and  the  patriots  who  founded  the  United 
States  have  not  been  forgotten.  America  is  aroused  in  defense  of  the  liberties 
the  Revolutionary  patriots  won  for  the  colonists,  their  descendants,  and  the 
millions  of  emigrants  and  their  descendants  who  found  under  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  protection  from  oppression  and  all  the  privileges  of  human  liberties. 

The  league  of  nations  treaty  now  before  the  Senate  must  be  rejected. 
It  is  the  product  of  British  scheming.  If  ratified  it  will  destroy  our  most 
cherished  traditions,  and  Ireland  will  be  more  fettered  by  British  chains  than 
ever  before. 


No.  10. 

Resolutions  of  Irish  National  Assembly,  Expressing  Thanks  to  United 

States  Senate. 

Dr.  Patrick  McCartan,  envoy  of  the  republic  of  Ireland  in  the  United  States, 
August  25,  1919,  handed  to  Vice  President  Marshall,  as  President  of  the  Senate, 
a  parchment  communication  from  the  Dail  Eirann  (Irish  national  assembly) 
expressing  the  thanks  of  the  elected  representatives  of  the  Irish  people  for  the 
recent  action  of  the  Senate  in  requesting  the  American  commission  to  the  peace 


TREATY  OE  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


915 


confidence  to  secure  for  President  Eamon  de  Yalera  and  ills  colleagues  on  the 
Irish  republic’s  peace  commission  a  hearing  before  the  peace  conference  at 
Paris ;  and  for  the  expression  of  the  Senate's  sympathy  with  Hie  aspirations  of 
the  Irish  people  to  govern  themselves.  The  following  is  the  text  of  the  com¬ 
munication  in  full : 

To  the  President  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

Sir:  We  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  the  subjoined  resolution  was 
unanimously  adopted  by  the  Dail  Eriann  in  session  assembled  in  the  Mansion 
House,  Dublin,  on  17th  June,  1919. 

Accept,  sir,  the  assurance  of  our  high  esteem. 

Arthur  .  Griffith,  Acting  President . 

Sean  O’Celleagh,  Speaker. 

“  The  duly  elected  representatives  of  Ireland  assembled  in  legislative  session 
in  Dublin,  this  17th  day  of  June,  1919,  before  taking  up  the  business  of  the 
day,  desire  to  record  their  appreciation  of  the  action  of  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  in  behalf  of  Ireland,  and  in  particular  of  the  following  resolutions 
adopted  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States: 

“  ‘  That  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  earnestly  requests  the  American 
peace  commission  at  Versailles  to  endeavor  to  secure  for  Eamonn  de  Valera, 
Arthur  Griffith,  and  George  Noble  Count  Plunkett  a  hearing  before  the  peace 
conference  in  order  that  they  may  present  the  case  to  Ireland. 

“  ‘And,  further,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  expresses  its  sympathy  with 
the  aspirations  of  the  Irish  people  for  a  government  of  their  own  choice.’ 

“  It  is  therefore  resolved,  That  the  elected  government  of  Ireland  be,  and  is 
hereby  directed  to  convey  the  thanks  of  the  Irish  nation  to  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  to  declare  that  the  people  of  Ireland  cherish  no  designs  upon 
the  rights  of  territories  of  other  nations,  but  ardently  seek  to  live  in  cordial 
peace  with,  and  as  one  of,  the  free  nations  of  the  world ;  and  to  assure  the 
people  of  America  that  the  ties  of  blood  and  friendship  which  subsisted  between 
both  nations  in  the  days  of  their  subjection  to  one  common  oppressor  have  en¬ 
dured  and  are  indissoluble.” 


No.  11. 

Statement  of  Hon.  Eugene  F.  Kinkead,  Former  Member  of  Congress  and 

Former  Major,  United  States  Army. 

I  appeal  to  the  Senate  not  to  accept  any  covenant  which  would  prevent  this 
Nation  from  following  its  time-honored  traditions  in  giving  aid  to  peoples 
striving  for  independence.  The  covenant,  as  framed,  would  keep  Ireland, 
Egypt,  India,  Korea,  and  colonies  in  South  Africa  in  bondage.  To  accept  it 
would  defeat  the  purpose  for  which  we  ^entered  the  World  War  and  align  us 
on  the  side  of  autocracy  and  against  the  right  of  peoples  to  determine  for 
themselves  the  character  of  government  under  which  they  shall  live.  This 
right  we  concede  to  Germany.  Shall  we  deny  it  to  Ireland?  We  can  only  judge 
the  future  by  the  past,  and  our  knowledge  of  the  Government  of  Great  Britain, 
as  distinguished  from  its  great  people,  should  convince  all  fair-minded  Amer¬ 
icans  that  the  adoption  of  article  10  of  the  covenant  will  rivet  anew  the  chains 
on  Ireland.  Seventy-five  years  ago  President  John  Tyler  declared  that  he  was 
no  half-way  man  regarding  Irish  independence.  To-day  75,000,000  Americans 
demand  that  the  covenant  that  shall  form  the  basis  of  any  league  of  nations 
shall  embody  the  same  principle. 


No  12. 

Statement  of  Katherine  Hughes,  Secretary  Irish  National  Bureau. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee:  In  1916  hero  hearts  in 
Ireland  again  rose  in  armed  rebellion  and  proclaimed,  “  In  the  name  of  God  and 
of  the  dead  generations  from  which  she  receives  her  old  traditions  of  nation¬ 
hood,”  that  Ireland  had  a  God-given  right  to  freedom. 

135549°— 19 - 11 


916 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


They  fell — Ireland’s  latest  of  hero  rebels — but  in  the  travail  of  1916  the  Re¬ 
public  of  Ireland  was  born.  This  Republic  lives  to-day,  as  truly  a  Republic  as 
that  of  America  in  1778,  when  its  Congress,  through  its  envoy,  Franklin,  pledged 
itself  to  aid  in  the  liberation  of  Ireland  if  her  oppression  by  England  continued. 

This  Republic  of  Ireland  has  to-day  the  recognition  of  but  one  State — that  of 
Russia — as  the  American  Republic  in  its  infancy  had  only  the  recognition  of 
France.  The  man  who  presides  over  the  Congress  of  Ireland  to-day  was  elected 
to  that  position  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  all  the  representatives  of  the  Irish 
Congress,  elected  in  their  turn  by  the  combined  ballots  of  75  per  cent  of  the 
Irish  Nation. 

There  is  not  in  the  world  to-day  a  government  more  essentially  “  of  the  peo¬ 
ple,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people”  than  that  of  the  Irish  Republic,  yet  if 
America  ratifies  the  peace  treaty  with  its  component  league  of  nations,  guaran¬ 
teeing  the  integrity  of  the  British  Empire  as  it  exists  in  international  day, 
America  would  be  guilty  of  aiding  to  suppress  this  government  of  the  Irish 
people;  it  would  be  throttling  Ireland’s  heroic  expression  of  self-determination 
made  by  ballot  last  December  in  the  face  of  an  English  army  of  occupation; 
it  would  be  reforging  England’s  chains  on  Ireland  by  increasing  the  “  right  of 
might  ”  which  alone  keeps  her  bound  to-day. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  America  rejects  this  league  of  nations  and  its  sections 
buttressing  British  imperialism,  America  will  be  free  to  give  official  recognition 
to  the  government  of  the  Irish  republic  and  so  make  Ireland  to-day  in  the  eyes 
of  the  whole  world  an  independent  nation.  This  a  free  America  can  do  without 
a  drop  of  bloodshed  and  with  only  a  passing  protest  from  England,  so  lately 
America’s  associate  in  a  war  for  democracy. 

If,  however,  America  ratifies  this  treaty  and  component  league,  she  will  not 
be  free  to  act  as  liberator  of  this  gallant  little  country,  which  is  the  motherland 
of  20,000,000  in  America — not  free  to  be  liberator  of  Ireland,  which  was  first 
to  come  to  the  aid  of  America  in  her  struggle  for  liberty — not  free  to  be  liberator 
of  Ireland,  whose  president  even  now  is  America’s  gift  to  Ireland,  for  Eamonn 
de  Valera  was  born  under  the  folds  of  Old  Glory. 

This  invaluable  gift  was  renewed  by  America  in  1916,  when  nothing  but  his 
American  birth  stood  between  Eamonn  de  Valera  and  the  rifles  of  the  execu¬ 
tioners,  who  had  taken  the  lives  of  his  comrades  in  arms. 

America  has  lately  been  associated  in  a  great  world  war  and  has  exchanged 
views  with  many  other  States,  but  I  can  not  believe  that  America  has  sacrificed 
or  will  sacrifice  one  iota  of  its  historic  principles  of  liberty  and  the  rights  of 
national  freedom,  which  make  America  to-day  the  hope  of  oppressed  peoples 
everywhere. 

America  is  true  to  the  America  of  the  past,  and  America  will,  I  firmly  believe, 
soon  give  Eamonn  de  Valera  to  Ireland  a  third  time — not  as  a  child  of  destiny 
nor  as  an  imprisoned  rebel,  but  as  a  victorious  president.  On  that  day  America 
will  not  only  give  Ireland  her  president.  She  will  also  give  to  Ireland  the 
priceless  gift  of  freedom.  She  will  reestablish  Ireland  in  the  eyes  of  the  world 
as  a  sovereign  nation. 


No.  13. 

Statement  of  Ida.  Patrick  J.  Lynch,  of  Indianapolis,  Ind.,  Clerk  of  the 

Supreme  and  Appellate  Courts  of  Indiana. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  citizens  of  Irish  blood  are 
appearing  before  your  committee  in  the  earnest  hope  that  out  of  the  great 
world  conflict  recently  ended  there  may  come,  as  a  part  of  the  fruits  of 
victory,  a  fulfillment  of  the  great  principle  of  self-determination  for  all  na¬ 
tions,  weak  and  small,  as  laid  down  by  President  Wilson. 

Throughout  all  the  annals  of  civilization  there  is  no  parallel  of  the  stead¬ 
fast  and  continuous  courage  shown  by  the  Irish  people  for  more  than  700 
years,  cherishing  without  intermission  the  hope  and  national  aspiration  of 
that  freedom  for  which  they  have  so  often  fought.  Racially  the  Irish  are 
a  separate  people ;  theirs  is  a  national  spirit ;  their  country  is  their  own,  and 
has  been  wrested  from  them  only  by  the  power  of  might,  not  upon  the  great 
God-given  principle  of  right. 

At  this  time  when  the  hopes  and  aspirations  of  all  peoples,  the  world  over, 
especially  those  long  oppressed,  is  to  gain  their  national  freedom,  and  in  the 
light  of  the  charter  enunciated  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  the 


TREATY  OF  FEACE  WITH  .GERMANY, 


917 


right  of  all  nations,  great  and  small  alike,  to  live  under  that  form  of  govern¬ 
ment  which  they  themselves  want,  and  such  hopes  are  being  realized  by 
younger  nations,  surely  Ireland  may,  in  truth  and  justice,  ask  that  the 
centuries-long  struggle  in  this  dawn  of  the  new  era  of  making  the  world  safe 
for  democracy  be  ended  forever. 


No.  14. 

Joint  Statement  of  Rev.  Joiin  J.  Moran,  of  Youngstown,  Ohio,  and 

Charles  P.  Mooney,  of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  Reporting  in  Behalf  of  the 

State  Convention  of  the  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians  of  Ohio. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Foreign  Relations  Committee: 

Ireland  has,  by  its  recent  vote  at  the  last  parliamentary  election  held  in 
that  country,  given  expression  to  its  demand  for  complete  independence  and 
voiced  its  opposition  to  a  union  with  Great  Britain  by  a  vote  of  1,516,770  in 
favor  of  an  Irish  republic  as  against  308,713  votes  in  favor  of  the  union. 

As  the  men  who  advocated  complete  separation  had  been  leaders  of  the 

revolution  of  1916,  and  most  of  them  had  just  been  released  from  British 
prisons,  because  of  their  part  therein,  they  squarely  raised  the  issue  of* 
complete  separation  in  their  campaign  for  election.  There  can  be  no  ques¬ 
tion  raised  that  the  Irish  people  misunderstood  the  issue  involved  in  that 
election.  It  was  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  people  of  Ireland  ex¬ 
pressing  the  right  of  self-determination  and  expressing  their  desire  to  estab¬ 

lish  an  Irish  republic  and  govern  themselves. 

Since  that  election,  the  executive  officers  have  been  elected  and  are  now  in 
a  position  to  take  over  the  government  of  that  country  and  perform  all  of 
the  functions  of  government  so  that  the  question  of  separation  of  Ireland 
from  England  is  not  one  that  may  become  a  serious  problem  in  the  future. 
It  is  the  present  existing  condition — a  condition  which  has  resulted  in  the 
occupation  of  Ireland  by  a  large  military  force  with  all  the  paraphernalia  of 
war.  Large  districts  throughout  Ireland  have  been  occupied  and  the  free 
movement  'of  the  people  has  been  repressed  in  the  same  manner  as  the  move¬ 
ments  of  the  Belgians  were  repressed  during  the  invasion  of  that  country  by 
Germany;  in  other  words,  Ireland  to-day  is  in  a  condition  of  insurrection 
and  England  is  using  the  same  methods  that  were  used  by  Germany  when 
they  occupied  Belgium.  The  right  of  self-government  of  Ireland  and  the 
expression  of  the  people  for  separation  was  supported  by  the  American  people 
as  enunciated  by  our  President  that  small  nations  desiring  self-government 
and  giving  expression  to  that  desire  would  have  the  protection  of  this  great 
Republic  in  establishing  a  government  suitable  to  their  desires  and  wishes. 
The  effect  of  article  10  of  the  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations  is  to  com¬ 
pletely  withdraw  that  promise  of  protection  and  to  declare  instead  that  we 
will  not  permit  small  nations,  excepting  such  as  were  in  possession  of  the 
enemy,  to  etablish  and  exercise  the  rights  and  functions  of  independent 
government. 

The  men  wTho  are  fighting  for  the  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations  as  it  now 
exists  with  article  10  included  therein  are  as  false  to  the  principles  under  which 
we  were  asked  to  enter  the  war  as  a  human  being  can  be  false  to  any  princi¬ 
ple,  because  in  accepting  article  10  we  are  doing  the  reverse  of  what  we  prom¬ 
ised  to  do.  You  may  ask  what  effect  article  10  of  the  league  of  nations  will 
have  on  Ireland.  This  question  involves  the  present  international  status  of 
Ireland  as  distinct  from  the  wishes  of  the  people  as  expressed  in  the  last 
election.  Under  international  law,  Ireland  is  recognized  as  an  integral  part  of 
the  British  Empire  and  I  presume  in  considering  article  10  you  are  bound  to 
recognize  her  status  as  such.  This  being  so,  in  adopting  that  part  of  article 
10  which  reads  as  follows : 

“The  high  contracting  parties  undertake  to  respect  and  preserve  as  against 
external  aggression  the  territorial,  integrity  and  existing  political  independence 
of  all  States  members  of  the  league.  In  case  of  any  such  aggression,  or  in  case 
of  any  threat  or  danger  of  such  aggression,  the  executive  council  shall  advise 
upon  the  means  by  which  the  obligaton  shall  be  fulfilled.” 

In  other  words,  you  are  undertaking  to  pledge  this  Great  Republic  to  con¬ 
tinue  Ireland  as  a ‘  part  of  the  British  Empire,  and  under  article  11  you  are 
placing  in  the  hands  of  the  countries  party  to  this  treaty,  namely  the  United 


918 


TREATS  OR  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


States,  Great  Britain,  Japan,  France,  and  Italy,  and  such  other  countries  as  may 
become  a  party  to  the  league,  the  power  of  determining  for  this  body  the 
necessity  of  entering  into  a  war  with  any  country  that  should  attempt  to  assist 
the  Irish  people  in  their  struggle  for  independence.  This  is  not  a  possibility, 
as  it  has  arisen  in  the  history  of  Ireland  in  the  last  three -centuries.  In  1601 
Spain  landed  armed  officers  in  Ireland  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  the  Irish 
people  in  securing  its  independence.  If  there  had  been  a  league  of  nations  at 
the  time,  the  league  under  articles  10  and  11  would  be  obliged  to  come  to  the 
assistance  of  England,  and  had  we,  when  we  obtained  our  independence,  become 
a  party  to  such  league  of  nations,  we  would  have  been  obliged  to  enter  into  war 
with  France  in  1798  when  Napoleon  sent  Gen.  Humbert  with  6,000  men  and 
landed  in  Killala  Bay  in  Ireland  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  the  Irish  in  secur¬ 
ing  independence.  International  conditions  may  bring  about  a  similar  situation 
at  any  time. 

The  effect  of  article  10  is  to  take  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  the  power  to  declare  war  and  to  place  it  in  the  hands  of  the 
high  contracting  parties  to  this  covenant.  In  other  words,  the  adoption  of  the 
covenant  of  the  league  of  nations  is  a  surrender  or  an  attempt  to  surrender  the 
power  to  declare  war  which  is  vested  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 
To  my  mind  the  insuperable  obstacle  of  articles  10  and  11  is  that  he  takes  away 
.from  Congress  the  power  of  making  war  and  places  it  in  the  hands  of  a  body 
other  than  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  The  granted  power  to  Con¬ 
gress  by  the  States  to  declare  war  is  a  delegated  one  and  is  limited  to  the 
power  expressly  granted  for  such  powers  as  may  be  necessarily  implied  from  the 
granted  power.  The  declaration  in  article  1,  section  7,  of  our  Constitution  is, 
“  The  Congress  shall  hove  power,  among  other  things,  to  declare  war.” 

This  section  does  not  say  that  this  body  shall  have  power  to  delegate  the 
right  to  declare  war  to  any  other  body.  This  can  be  done  only  by  a  constitu¬ 
tional  amendment.  An  amendment  transferring  the  power  to  declare  war 
from  Congress  and  give  it  to  the  high  contracting  parties  in  the  league  of 
nations. 

I  am  here  first  as  an  American  citizen  to  protest  against  the  adoption  of  the 
league  of  nations ;  as  an  American  citizen,  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  Ohio  and 
an  accredited  representative  of  the  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians  of  Ohio,  not 
only  on  the  ground  that  such  action  would  be  unconstitutional,  but  on  the 
larger  ground  that  it  is  wdiolly  immoral  for  this  country,  the  leading  Republic 
in  the  world,  to  endeavor  to  enter  into  an  agreement  which  has  for  its  object 
the  repression  of  the  rights  of  a  liberty-loving  people  to  decide  for  themselves 
the  form  of  government  under  which  they  desire  to  live. 


No.  15. 

Statement  of  Matthew  Cummings,  of  Boston,  Mass.,  Ex-National  President 

of  the  Ancient  Order  of  Hibernians. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  Senate  Foreign  Relations  Committee,  I 
believe  that  it  is  admitted  by  fair-minded  men  everywhere  that  Ireland  is  en¬ 
titled  to  her  freedom.  The  Governments  of  Australia  and  Canada  have  passed 
resolutions  repeatedly  in  favor  of  Irish  freedom.  The  labor  organizations  of 
England  have  gone  on  record  demanding  that  justice  be  done  to  Ireland  and 
that  she  should  be  allowed  to  determine  her  own  form  of  government.  The 
legislatures  of  a  majority  of  the  States  in  the  Union  have  passed  resolutions 
advocating  Irish  independence.  The  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  Government  and  later  on  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  by  a  vote  of 
67  to  1  advocated  freedom  for  Ireland  and  asked  our  representatives  in  Paris 
to  see  to  it  that  Ireland  got  a  hearing  at  the  peace  conference.  The  Irish  race 
convention,  representing  20,000,000  in  America  of  Irish  blood  sent  three  com¬ 
missioners  to  Paris  for  the  purpose  of  having  President  Wilson  and  the  Ameri¬ 
can  representatives  at  the  peace  coneference  place  the  Irish  question  before 
that  body. 

The  President  on  this  country  entering  the  war  stated  repeatedly  that  all 
nations  must  be  granted  the  right  to  determine  their  own  form  of  government, 
and  more  than  a  million  American  boys  of  Irish  blood  fought  under  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  convinced  that  American  success  in  the  war  meant  also  the  freedom  of 
the  land  of  their  ancestors.  If  the  pledges  made  by  our  Government  during  the 
war  are  not  carried  out,  a  stigma  will  rest  upon  the  splendid  traditions  of  this 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


919 


country.  Therefore  we  appeal  to  you  as  the  treaty-making  power  under  the 
Constitution  of  our  country  to  see  to  it  that  the  pledges  to  small  nations  made 
by  the  Chief  Executive  In  the  dark  hours  of  the  war  are  ful tilled  and  that 
Ireland  should  be  accorded  the  right  of  self-determination.  We  earnestly  pro¬ 
test  against  the  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations  and  ask  that  it  be  rejected 
as  a  whole.  We  believe  that  it  is  impossible  to  amend  it  so  as  to  protect  Ameri¬ 
can  rights  and  sovereignty.  We  believe  that  in  articles  10  and  11  of  the  cove¬ 
nant  of  the  league  of  nations  is  adopted  Ireland  would  be  deprived  of  her  liberty 
for  all  time  and  that  the  people  of  that  long-suffering  country  should  be  given 
an  opportunity  to  lead  their  own  life  in  their  own  way  and  under  their  own 
form  of  government,  at  peace  with  the  world  and  established  as  an  independent 
nation. 


No.  16. 

Statement  Presented  by  the  Advisory  Committee  of  the  Irish  Victory 

Fund,  Boston,  Mass. 

The  delegates  to  this  hearing  from  Massachusetts,  representing  an  over¬ 
whelming  majority  of  the  875,000  persons  in  the  Irish  racial  group  in  Massa¬ 
chusetts,  wish  to  add  their  protest  against  the  approval  in  any  form  of  the 
proposed  league  of  nations. 

The  enactment  of  this  proposed  league  will  accomplish  effectually  what  the 
British  Government  has  in  various  ways  been  trying  to  bring  about  for  more 
than  a  generation,  to  wit,  the  creation  of  a  supertreaty  body,  which  will 
nullify  the  power  of  the  whole  people,  as  represented  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  to  pass  on  and  approve  treaties  with  foreign  Governments. 

We  protest  against  this  treaty  because  of  its  certainty  of  economic  enslave¬ 
ment  of  the  United  States,  with  its  inevitable  consequence  in  unemployment 
and  attending  train  of  evils. 

Because  of  its  geographical  isolation  from  the  sources  of  raw  material  and 
the  buying  population  of  the  United  States,  New  England  lias  a  peculiar 
interest  in  the  failure  of  the  Paris  conference  to  even  mention,  provide  for,  or 
to  regulate  the  “  freedom  of  the  seas,”  and  in  thus  doing  has,  as  a  result  of  the 
victory'-  over  the  Central  Powers,  substituted  the  menace  of  British  sea  control, 
based  on  “  navalism  ”  for  the  “  militarism  ”  defeated  through  American  inter¬ 
vention. 

From  the  headquarters  of  Tory  sentiment  we  appeal  to  the  American  spirit, 
which  in  the  first  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  opposed  a  similar  British 
attempt  to  control  the  seas  and  gave  to  the  world  the  Monroe  doctrine. 

We  appeal  to  the  spirit  which,  in  the  forties,  after  the  advent  of  the  iron 
ship,  met  another  English  attempt  to  control  the  seas  by  building  in  15  years 
the  largest  merchant  marine  up  to  that  time  ever  produced  in  the  world,  and 
contrast  this  with  this  attempt  in  the  proposed  league  of  nations  again  to 
enslave  the  merchant  marine  of  this  country. 

We  appeal  to  the  spirit  which  built  the  Panama  Canal  that  our  surplus 
products  could  have  opened  to  them  the  markets  of  the  Orient,  and  contrast 
it  with  the  action  which  in  1913  removed  byr  law  the  preferences  to  American 
shipping  then  obtained,  and  to-day  in  the  Shantung  outrage  has  closed  to  the 
trade  of  the  United  States  a  market  of  a  half-billion  souls. 

We  protest  against  British  dominance  over  the  cables  and  mail  communica¬ 
tions  of  the  world,  and  refer  the  committee  to  the  recent  report  of  the  United 
States  Foreign  Trade  Council  on  this  subject. 

We  refer  the  Senate  committee  to  the  report  of  the  Senate  investigation 
committee  of  1913  on  the  operations  of  the  alien  shipping  trust,  the  conditions 
then  complained  of  and  admitted  to  exist,  which  remain  to-day  to  menace  the 
commercial  future  and  economic  progress  of  the  United  States. 

We  respectfully  suggest  to  your  honorable  committee  that  they  investigate 
the  stifling  of  American  aspirations  for  freedom  of  the  seas,  through  the  in¬ 
fluence  in  the  various  chambers  of  commerce  and  business  organizations  in 
the  largest  cities  in  the  United  States,  of  the  paid  agents  of  steamship  com¬ 
panies,  and  others  representing  foreign  shipping  interests. 

We  respectfully  suggest  that  before  coming  to  a  decision  on  this  question 
your  honorable  committee  make  inquiry  into  the  action  during  the  war  of  the 
British  Government,  which,  through  “  orders  in  council  ”  not  sanctioned  by  inter¬ 
national  law  or  the  comity  between  friendly  nations,  committed  numerous 


920 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


acts  obviously  designed  to  cripple  our  commerce  and  trade  during  the  war,  and 
especially  with  relation  to  the  effect  of  these  “  orders  in  council  ”  as  obvious 
preparation  for  the  proposed  British  league  of  nations  now  being  considered. 

We  protest  against  any  situation  which  permits  British  vessels  to  demand 
and  to  get  free  wharves  in  practically  all  the  cities  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard, 
which  represent  approximately  5  per  cent  interest  on  an  American  investment 
of  $200,000,000,  and  which  puts  it  within  the  power  of  the  alien  shipping 
trust  to  deny  American  cities  the  right  to  do  foreign  business  through  these 
ports,  except  at  its  pleasure. 

This  we  do  in  the  name  of  justice,  of  honor,  and  in  the  American  spirit  of 
independence.  While  the  United  States  remains  on  the  seas  by  favor  of  any 
foreign  Government,  this  country  is  in  economic  slavery. 

This  is  an  American  question.  If  America  settles  this  question  right  and 
the  principles  under  which  we  entered  the  war  are  insisted  on,  Ireland,  with 
the  rest  of  the  world,  will  share  in  the  resulting  benefit. 

We  are  Americans  first,  last,  and  always. 

We  ask  that  the  present  proposal  for  the  league  of  nations  be  opposed  for 
the  honor  of  our  country. 

Boston  Advisory  Committee 

Irish  Victory  Fund. 
John  Morton,  Chairman ; 

Edward  F.  Me  Sweeney, 

John  H.  H.  McNamee, 

Edward  W.  Quinn, 

Daniel  Foley, 

Daniel  T.  O’Connell, 

James  O'Sullivan, 

Delegates. 


No.  17. 

Letter  of  Thomas  F.  Cooney  and  Others. 

Washington,  D.  C.,  August  SO,  1919. 
To  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations ,  United  Stales  Senate , 

Washington ,  D.  C. 

Sirs  :  The  Irish  race  of  Rhode  Island,  through  its  duly-accredited  represen¬ 
tatives,  in  attendance  at  a  meeting  of  your  committee,  held  on  Saturday, 
August  30,  1919,  to  consider  a  proposed  league  of  nations,  hereby  enters  its 
protest  against  the  adoption  of  the  proposed  league  in  its  present  form. 

The  reasons  for  our  protest  are :  That  it  is  un-American  in  that  it  means 
the  abandonment  of  the  traditions  and  ideals  for  which  this  country  has 
always  stood ;  that  it  creates  an  alliance  with  European  powers  and  forces  us 
to  take  part  in  the  embroilments  of  those  powers ;  that  it  means  the  enslave¬ 
ment  of  millions  of  people ;  and  that  it  denies  to  those  people  the  right  to  de¬ 
termine  for  themselves  the  form  of  government  under  which  they  want  to 
live ;  and  that  it  means  the  absolute  surrender  of  the  principles  for  which 
this  country  fought. 

Further,  we  protest  against  the  ratification  of  the  proposed  league  and  peace 
treaty,  because  it  fails  to  recognize  the  government  of  the  republic  of  Ireland, 
a  government  that  is  the  choice  of  80  per  cent  of  the  people  of  Ireland,  and 
which  is  prevented  from  functioning  in  every  department  because  of  the 
military  power  maintained  by  England  in  Ireland — a  military  that  is  brutal 
and  savage  in  its  treatment  of  the  Irish  people. 

Further,  it  condones  and  perpetuates  a  flagrant  breach  of  the  promises  made 
by  the  representatives  of  England  in  procuring  the  entrance  of  the  United 
States  into  the  war. 

The  representatives  of  the  Irish  race  in  Rhode  Island  urge  upon  your  con¬ 
sideration,  in  support  of  this  protest,  the  numberless  and  invaluable  contri¬ 
butions  of  the  Irish  in  establishing  and  maintaining  the  American  form  of 
government,  to  which  they  have  looked  throughout  its  history  for  encourage¬ 
ment  and  support  of  the  inalienable  right  of  freedom — “  That  government  of 
the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth.” 

The  protest  herewith  presented  is  submitted  by  us  primarily  as  American 
citizens,  mindful  of  the  debt  of  gratitude  owed  by  our  country  to  Ireland,  and 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY.  921 

desirous  of  preserving  the  fundamental  principles  of  our  government  in  their 
pristine  strength  and  purity. 


The  Irish  Race  of  Rhode  island, 
By  Thomas  F.  Cooney. 

Cornelius  C.  Moon. 

Patrick  J.  Murphy. 

Daniel  E.  Doherty. 


No.  18. 

Telegram  to  Congressman  Nolan  Representing  the  Unanimous  Sentiment 
of  the  Irish  Societies  of  California  Against  Section  10  of  the  League  of 
Nations. 


San  Francisco,  Calif.,  August  29. 

Hon.  John  I.  Nolan,  Washington  D.  C. 

Please  represent  our  San  Francisco  and  nothern  California  societies  and  Irish 
freedom  fund  commute©  of  California  at  hearing  before  committee  to-morrow 
morning. 

Andrew  J.  Gallagher. 


No.  19. 

Joint  Statement  of  Michael  L.  Fahey,  Paul  F.  Spain,  and  Joseph  T.  Bren¬ 
nan,  of  Boston,  Mass. 

Ireland’s  claim  for  independence  was  given  a  new  birth  upon  the  declaration 
of  President  Wilson  when  our  nation  joined  in  the  contest  for  the  defeat  of  Ger¬ 
many.  For  centuries  her  patriots  had  waged  the  fight  for  freedom  against  a 
world  tyrant,  against  a  people  who  dominated  through  force,  a  people  who 
ruled  with  an  iron  hand,  wiiose  hands  were  red  with  blood  and  wiio  were  guilty 
of  the  most  abominable  crimes. 

What  country  in  all  the  wrorld  has  suffered  as  Ireland  in  the  contest  to  regain 
Independence?  The  most  outrageous  crime,  and  the  one  to  which  little  atten¬ 
tion  has  been  given,  which  England  perpetrated  upon  the  Irish  people  occurred 
during  the  nineteenth  century,  wThen,  through  its  cruel  law^s,  the  Irish  people 
were  scattered  throughout  the  world.  But  that  result,  as  showrn  to-day,  strength¬ 
ened  her  people,  and  to-day  their  power  will  be  showrn  to  be  sufficiently  strong 
to  compel  England  to  grant  to  Ireland  the  independence  her  people  have  long 
prayed  for. 


No.  20. 

Statement  of  Hugh  O’Neill,  of  Chicago,  Speaking  as  a  Representative  of 
the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  for  an  Irish  Republic. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee. 

The  Americans  of  the  Irish  race  in  the  great  Middle  West,  as  in  all  other 
parts  of  America,  urge  the  defeat  of  the  proposed  league  of  nations  because  it 
impairs  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States,  violates  the  principles  for  which 
we  entered  the  war,  creates  an  unholy  alliance,  nullifies  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  creates  a  superstate,  endangers  the  Constitution,  destroys  the 
Monroe  doctrine,  recognizes  the  breakdown  of  nationalism  and  the  creation  of 
an  international  powrer,  gives  to  England  the  control  of  the  seas,  and  guarantees 
to  England  the  possession  of  Ireland  against  the  wrish  of  the  Irish  people. 

The  league  of  nations  impairs  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  because 
it  places  the  United  States  Government  under  the  control  of  a  superstate 
operating  through  an  assembly  and  a  council,  the  United  States  in  the  assem¬ 
bly  having  only  1  vote  in  45,  and  England  saving  6  and  the  practical  control 
of  the  majority  of  the  other  votes,  and  in  the  council  only  1  vote  in  9  and 
no  vote  at  all  wiien  her  interests  are  at  stake.  Because  it  requires  us  to 
maintain  permanent  armies  upon  foreign  soil  to  police  the  discontented  sub¬ 
jects  of  bloated  monarchies  or  crush  the  tumults  of  peoples  indulging  in  the 
wild  theories  of  socialism  or  anarchy. 


922 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


Because  it  takes  away  from  the  United  States  Congress  the  right  to  de¬ 
clare  war  or  conclude  peace.  Because  it  creates  a  supergovernment  that 
would  be  an  unrestrained  and  unlimited  trust  which  would  dominate  our 
international  and  domestic  affairs.  The  league  of  nations  violates  the  prin¬ 
ciples  for  which  America  entered  the  war,  and  as  the  President,  the  spokes¬ 
man  of  America,  says,  “  We  entered  the  war  for  the  ultimate  peace  of  the 
world  and  for  the  liberation  of  its  people ;  for  the  rights  of  nations  great  and 
small  and  the  privilege  of  men  everywhere  to  choose  their  own  way  of  life 
and  obedience;  for  the  reign  of  law  based  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed; 
for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  small  nations ;  for  affording  material  guaranties 
of  political  and  territorial  independence  for  great  and  small  nations  alike. 

“  We  are  fighting  for  the  liberty,  the  self  government,  and  vindicated  de¬ 
velopment  of  all  people.”  (May  26,  1917.)  “And  that  the  people  of  the  world 
shall  choose  their  own  masters  and  govern  their  own  destinies,  not  as  we  wish, 
but  as  they  wish.” 

The  league  of  nations  creates  an  unholy  alliance  and  violates  .the  doctrine 
of  George  Washington  as  to  no  entangling  alliances.  Are  we  ready  to  admit 
that  Washington  was  a  dreamer,  that  nationlism  has  broken  down,  and  that 
a  Bolsheviki  internationalism  shall  be  the  form  of  our  new  freedom?  An 
alliance  would  be  destructive  of  American  liberty,  and  an  alliance  wfith  Eng¬ 
land  in  a  league  of  nations  would  be  abhorrent  to  the  great  body  of  the 
American  people. 

The  league  of  nations  would  nullify  the  Declaration  of  Independence  because 
it  ignores  the  fundamental  truth  declared  as  the  basis  of  good  Government 
that  all  just  governments  derive  their  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  gov¬ 
erned.  It  ignores  the  self-evident  truth  that  all  peoples  are  born  free  and 
equal,  because  it  wTould  leave  the  Irish  in  political  servitude  and  seal  their 
doom  by  article  10,  which  guarantees  the  territorial  integrity  of  the  signatory 
powers. 

The  league  of  nations  endangers  the  Constitution  because  it  suspends  the 
guarantees  of  the  United  States  and  the  State  constitution.  It  limits  the 
functions  of  the  Congress,  limits  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Supreme  Courts  of  the 
United  States,  and  dislodges  the  powers  of  both  the  legislative  and  judicial 
branches  and  either  assumes  them  or  places  them  under  the  control  of  the 
President,  thereby  making  him  a  virtual  dictator. 

The  league  of  nations  destroys  the  Monroe  Doctrine  as  it  takes  away  from 
It  the  character  of  a  national  policy  and  reduces  it  to  the  level  of  a  regional 
understudy. 

For  these  reasons  we  are  unalterably  opposed  to  the  league  of  nations. 


No.  21. 

Statement  of  Richard  W.  Wolfe,  of  Chicago,  Former  President  Cook 
County  Real  Estate  Board  of  Chicago,  in  Behalf  of  the  Committee  of 
100  for  an  Irish  Republic. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen,  I  am  opposed  to  the  proposed  league  of 
nations  because  its  provisions  are  in  opposition  to  the  great  principles  for 
which  our  country  fought  in  the  big  war,  to  make  the  world  safe  for  democ¬ 
racy  and  to  secure  the  rights  of  small  nations.  This  denial  of  the  principles 
for  which  we  fought  has  filled  the  hearts  of  American  citizens  wfith  dis¬ 
appointment,  dissatisfaction,  and  unrest. 

I  am  further  opposed  to  the  proposed  league  of  nations  because  it  would 
doom  Ireland  to  perpetual  servitude  to  England.  To  do  this  would  be  a 
grave  injustice  not  only  to  Ireland  but  also  a  grave  wTrong  to  America. 

You,  gentlemen,  have  red  blood  in  your  veins,  and  you  resent  an  insult. 
You  are  human,  and  you  resist  and  strike  back  at  anybody  or  anything  that 
robs  you  of  your  property,  your  rights,  and  opportunities. 

It  is  because  of  these  very  human  reasons  that  the  Irish  question  is  an 
American  question.  We  of  the  Irish  race  in  America  resent  insult  and  resist 
and  strike  back  at  the  enemy  w-ho  w’ould  rob  us  and  assassinate  our  char¬ 
acter.  England  in  order  to  maintain  her  hold  upon  Ireland  thinks  it  desira¬ 
ble  to  destroy  the  influence,  assassinate  the  character  and  injure  in  every 
conceivable  vTay  the  Irish  race  in  this  country.  So  that  it  takes  10,  20,  or  30 
per  cent  more  brains  and  more  energy  for  a  man  of  the  Irish  race  than  for 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


923 


a  man  of  the  English  or  Scotch  races,  or  other  races  to  accomplish  the  same 
results  in  this  country.  Now,  there  can  not  be  inflicted  upon  a  part  of  the 
community  or  a  part  of  the  nation  a  loss  or  injury  without  corresponding 
loss  and  injury  to  the  community  or  the  nation  as  a  whole. 

The  stage  Irishman  was  manufactured  in  the  London  music  halls  and 
shipped  to  this  country  to  aid  the  deadly  work  of  the  murderer  of  the  Irish 
character  by  that  deadliest  of  weapons,  ridicule.  Newspapers,  books,  periodi¬ 
cals,  the  lecture  platform^and  more  recently  the  motion  picture — every  avenue 
of  publicity — has  been  used  to  besmirch  the  Irish  race  in  America.  Provost 
Marshal  Crowder  has  reported  that  the  percentage  of  Irish  who  waived  ex¬ 
emption  was  much  higher  than  that  of  English  or  Scotch  or  other  races.  But 
the  English  propagandists  would  have  us  believe  differently.  England  has 
spent  millions  for  propaganda,  and  the  lies  told  about  the  Irish  are  enough 
to  curse  the  world.  It  is,  I  submit,  sound  American  policy  to  remove  the 
cause  of  this  friction,  of  this  humiliation,  insult,  and  injury  to  American 
citizens  of  the  Irish  race.  The  cause  is  the  enslavement  of  Ireland  by  England. 
A  free  Ireland  would  remove  the  motive  for  English  attack  upon  American 
citizens  of  the  Irish  race. 

Besides,  it  would,  more  than  anything  else,  help  to  bring  about  that  which 
every  good  American  citizen  wants  to  see,  that  it  is  a  hamonious  American 
nation,  all  of  the  races  coming  together  in  the  melting  pot,  and  commingling 
and  uniting  for  the  common  good  of  the  Republic.  There  should  be  no 
friction  between  the  English  race  and  the  Irish  race  in  this  country,  and  there 
would  be  none  if  Ireland  were  free,  because  then  the  business  of  the  propa¬ 
gandist  was  at  an  end.  The  paid  lecturers  spreading  poison  and  hate  against 
the  Irish  race  in  America  would  be  out  of  a  job.  The  Irish  question  is  an 
American  question,  and  we  appeal  to  you  to  look  upon  it  as  such. 

We  went  to  war  to  right  the  wrongs  of  small  nations,  to  make  democracy 
safe  for  the  world.  Ireland  by  a  plebiscite  has  declared  for  a  republic.  Indeed, 
Ireland  is  the  only  one  of  the  small  nations  that  has  had  a  plebiscite  and 
expressed  its  self-determination.  How  can  any  American  consistently  deny 
Ireland’s  right  to  a  republican  form  of  government?  How  can  any  American 
deny  a  republic  in  favor  of  an  empire  with  a  caste  system  which  is  mediocre 
where  the  law  of  primogeniture  and  entail  persists,  where  a  state  church  takes 
part  in  government,  where  a  house  of  lords  rules  with  all  its  power  of  titles, 
wealth,  and  prestige? 

Ireland’s  case  furnishes  the  supreme  example  of  merciless  profiteering  and 
exploitation.  Let  us  take  the  figures  on  Irish  population.  I  quote  from  a 
British  publication,  the  Statesman’s  Year  Book.  It  shows  that  in  the  year 
1800  the  population  of  Ireland  was  G, 000, 000,  while  the  population  of  England 
was  8,000,000.  In  1850  the  population  of  Ireland  rose  to  nearly  9,000,000. 
The  population  of  Ireland  to-day  is  less  than  4,500,000.  The  population  of 
England  is  3G, 000, 000.  John  Stuart  Mill,  the  English  economist,  has  stated 
that  Ireland  can  support  a  population  of  25,000,000.  And  everyone  who  knows 
anything  about  it  knows  that  Ireland  can  support  a  population  of  25,000,000 
to  30,000,000.  Belgium  has  a  poulation  of  8,000,000  and  is  less  than  one-third 
the  size  of  Ireland.  Belgium  and  Holland  combined  are  not  so  large  as  Ireland. 
The  decline  in  population  is  an  arrow  sign  as  to  Ireland’s  decay  in  other  ways — 
industrially,  socially,  educationally.  Before  the  war  Ireland  was  doing  less 
than  one-third  of  1  per  cent  of  the  export  business  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  ruling  class  of  England  is  blind,  as  privileged  classes  have  always  been 
blind.  If  it  was  not  blind,  this  English  ruling  class  would  realize  that  Ireland 
fully  populated  and  prosperous  would  be  a  better  customer  and  certainly  a 
better'  friend  to  England  than  Ireland  depopulated  and  disaffected.  Ireland 
would  be  a  profitable  customer  of  this  country,  far  more  so  than  countries  far 
away  whose  trade  we  are  eager  too  get.  Ireland  occupies  a  very  advantageous 
positio'n  in  the  highway  of  commerce,  a  position  similar  to  that  of  important 
business  corners  in  the  center  of  city  life. 

Ireland  free  wrould  be  a  country  of  25,000,000  to  30,000,000,  prosperous  and 
thriving,  and  of  great  potential  value  to  America. 

The  question  is  asked,  Would  we  go  to  war  with  England  to  free  Ireland? 
That  is  not  a  fair  or  honest  question.  That  question  is  not  now  before  us. 
That  question  was  settled  when  we  went  into  the  war  for  democracy  and  the 
rights  of  small  nations,  and  when  England  accepted  our  aid  with  that  declara¬ 
tion  sent  out  to  the  world.  To  keep  faith  with  our  soldiers  dead  in  France  and 
Flanders  and  other  parts  of  the  world,  to  keep  faith  with  the  crippled  and 


924 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


maimed,  to  keep  faith  with  weeping  mothers  and  sad  firesides  of  America,  that 
Is  the  question  now  confronting  us.  We  ask  you  to  save  American  honor. 
It  is  not  America,  but  England,  that  -would  go  to  war  should  you  decide  to 
preserve  the  faith.  England  will  not  dare  do  it. 


No.  22. 

Address  of  Mb.  Shaemas  O’Sheel,  Representing  the  William  Pearse  Branch 

of  the  Friends  of  Irish  Freedom  and  the  William  Rooney  Society,  Both 

of  New  York. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Senators  of  the  committee,  within  recent  months  not  only 
have  I  been  made  aware  of  the  sentiments  of  the  two  socities  which  I  have 
the  honor  to  represent  here,  but,  having  addressed  46  audiences  in  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  Massachusetts,  and  New  Hampshire,  I  have 
felt  the  pulse  of  thousands  of  American  citizens,  and  I  am  convinced  that  in  the 
two  thoughts  which  are  all  I  shall  try  to  present  to  you  I  correctly  represent 
very  widespread  and  deeply  felt  convictions. 

In  the  first  place,  Americans  of  Irish  blood  oppose  any  such  league  of  nations 
as  here  proposed  far  more  vehemently  from  a  purely  American  standpoint  than 
from  any  thought  for  Ireland.  A  fact  wrhich  is  proved  by  the  earnest  and 
thoroughgoing  approval  which  every  audience  I  have  addressed  has  expressed 
-when  I  said  that  if  Irish-Americans  were  to  be  offered  the  bribe  of  immediate 
liberation  of  Ireland,  with  the  repayment  to  Ireland  of  every  penny  ever 
drained  out  of  her  by  England  as  the  price  of  their  support  of  a  league  which 
would  infringe  American  rights,  there  -would  not  be  a  man  or  woman  of  all 
the  millions  of  them  who  would  consider  the  proposition  for  a  minute. 

The  other  thought  is  this :  Two  or  three  Senators  have  asserted  that  Ireland’s 
real  hope  for  liberation  must  be  found  in  paragraph  2  of  Article  XI  of  the 
present  league-of-nations  covenant,  which  reads : 

“  It  is  also  declared  to  be  the  fundamental  right  of  each  member  of  the 
league  to  bring  to  the  attention  of  the  assembly  or  of  the  council  any  circum¬ 
stance  whatever  affecting  international  relations  which  threatens  to  disturb 
either  the  peace  or  the  good  understanding  between  nations  upon  which  peace 
depends.” 

The  idea  advanced  is  that  under  this  paragraph  a  member  of  the  league 
might  befriend  Ireland  by  bringing  its  condition  under  military  rule  to  the 
attention  of  the  governing  bodies  of  the  league.  That  is  undoubtedly  true — - 
so  true  that  the  English  authors  of  the  league  covenant  have  guarded  against 
it  by  a  paragraph  which  I  think  has  not  yet  been  noticed  to-day,  paragraph  7 
of  Article  XY,  as  follows : 

“  If  the  dispute  between  the  parties  is  claimed  by  one  of  them  and  is  found 
by  the  council  to  arise  out  of  a  matter  which  by  international  law  is  solely 
within  the  domestic  jurisdiction  of  that  party  the  council  shall  so  report  and 
shall  make  no  recommendations  as  to  its  settlement.” 

It  has  been  proved  here  to-day  beyond  even  the  attempt  to  question  that  the 
case  of  Ireland  is  not  a  domestic  matter,  but  under  all  international  law  an 
international  matter  ;  but  that  is  not  the  point ;  the  point  is  that  the  council  shall 
decide  whether  they  will  consider  and  promulgate  it  as  a  domestic  or  an  inter¬ 
national  matter.  If  they  decide  that  it  is  domestic,  that  is  the  end.  If  the 
people  of  Ireland  were  being  slaughtered  and  the  American  people  were  aflame 
to  help  them,  our  Government  could  not  even  protest  further  after  the  council 
shall  have  decided  that  massacre  of  the  Irish  people  is  an  English  domestic 
concern.  Surely  it  will  be  said  the  American  members  of  council  and  assembly 
would  never  in  such  circumstances  agree  to  such  an  interpretation,  but  if  they 
did  not  and  all  others  did,  there  being  no  unanimous  decision,  surely  the 
majority  decision  would  necessarily  prevail  to  the  extent  of  estoppng  all  action 
by  the  leage  or  its  members. 

“And  the  final  point  to  consider  is  that  this  paragraph  was  not  in  the  original 
draft  of  the  league  made  public  in  February,  but  added  entirely  anew  in  the 
revised  draft — purposely,  I  believe,  Mr.  Chairman,  purposely  to  further  safe¬ 
guard  England  against  American  sympathy  for  Ireland  being  expressed 
through  the  league.  I  thank  you.” 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


925 


No.  23. 

Statement  of  R.  E.  O’Malley,  of  Kansas  City,  Mo. 

Gentlemen  :  I  am  here  as  the  authorized  representative  of  the  Irish-Ameri- 
can  Societies  of  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  having  a  membership  of  more  than  5,000 
persons.  I  know  of  no  better  method  of  expressing  their  opinion  on  this  im¬ 
portant  question  than  to  file  with  you  a  set  of  resolutions  adopted  at  the  thirty- 
second  annual  picnic  of  the  Irish-American  Societies,  of  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  held 
in  Fairmont  Park  on  Sunday,  August  17. 

The  majority  of  the  people  I  represent  are  American  born  and  of  Irish 
ancestry. 

In  addition  to  the  sentiments  expressed  in  the  resolutions  filed  herewith,  I 
think  I  can  say  without  fear  of  truthful  contradiction  that  a  great  majority 
of  the  people  of  my  community  are  opposed  to  the  document  known  as  the 
League  of  Nations  and  opposed  to  any  document  that  might  involve  this  Nation 
in  entangling  alliances. 

(The  resolutions  referred  to  follow7:) 

Whereas  there  is  now  before  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  for  that  body’s 
ratification  or  rejection  an  instrument  knowrn  as  the  league  of  nations 
covenant;  and 

Whereas,  article  3  of  said  covenant  gives  the  British  six  votes  in  the  league’s 
assembly  to  America’s  one,  even  in  passing  on  America’s  questions.  We, 
with  a  hundred  million  population,  are  given  only  the  same  voting  pow7er  as 
the  negro  Republic  of  Liberia  in  Africa,  the  nondescript  kingdom  of  Hedjaz 
in  Asia,  and  the  semisavage  island  of  Ilayti  in  the  Caribbean  Sea ;  and 
Whereas  under  article  8  the  representatives  of  foreign  nations  advise  us 
what  size  fleet  and  army  America  should  have ;  and,  once  the  size  is  agreed 
on,  it  con  never  be  increased  except  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  those  for¬ 
eign  nations ;  and 

Whereas  article  10  binds  us  to  make  war  for  monarchies  against  smaller  na¬ 
tions  seeking  freedom  from  imperialism,  militarism  and  tyranny,  should 
any  one  of  said  smaller  nations  in  its  struggle  for  freedom  receive  help  from 
outside  sources  such  as  was  given  our  own  beloved  country  by  France  in 
the  Revolutionary  War,  such  as  we  gave  the  Republic  of  Cuba  in  its  struggle 
for  freedom  from  the  horrible  atrocities  inflicted  on  it  by  the  Spanish  King¬ 
dom.  Under  article  10  we  are  bound  if  China  should  ever  attempt  to  recover 
Shantung,  which  is  under  the  peace  treaty  given  to  Japan,  to  wrage  war 
against  a  friendly  people,  who  have  patterned  their  Government  after  our 
own,  in  the  interest  of  a  pagan  monarchy.  Likewise,  should  the  recently 
formed  Irish  republic  resist  further  misrule  by  Britain  and  outside  aid 
is  given  her,  we  as  Americans  are  compelled  to  send  our  boys  across  the 
seas  to  fight  a  people  struggling  for  freedom  from  oppression,  a  people  that 
in  America’s  struggle  against  the  same  nation  that  is  now  the  oppressor  of 
the  Irish  race  gave  their  encouragement,  sympathy,  men  and  a  sum  of 
$300,000,  a  large  sum  indeed  at  that  time,  for  the  cause  of  American  inde¬ 
pendence;  Therefore  be  it 

Resolved ,  That  the  Irish-American  societies  of  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  gathered 
at  their  thirty-first  annual  picnic,  held  at  Fairmount  Park,  Sunday,  August  17, 
1919,  gratefully  acknowledge  the  patriotic  service  Senator  James  A.  Reed 
is  rendering  our  country  in  his  able  and  courageous  opposition  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  to  this  measure  and  respectfully  urge  Senator  Selden  P. 
Spencer  to  join  with  Senator  Reed  in  an  unrelenting  effort  to  prevent  this 
shameful  abdication  of  this  Nation’s  sovereignty  and  this  unwarranted  attempt 
to  make  Great  Britain  a  super-state  with  six  votes,  while  out  great  Republic, 
which  is  and  should  remain  the  leading  Nation  of  the  world,  is  ranked  along¬ 
side  the  petty  kingdoms  and  barbaric  nations  of  the  world.  Be  it  further 
Resolved,  That  wTe  most  heartily  approve  the  Mason  resolution  appropriating 
necessary  funds  for  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  diplomatic  repre¬ 
sentation  to  the  republic  of  Ireland  and  that  copies  of  these  resolutions  be 
forwarded  by  the  chairman  of  this  gathering  to  the  distinguished  Senators 
mentioned  herein  and  to  the  lion.  William  T.  Bland,  Representative  in  Con¬ 
gress  from  this  district;  also  to  the  press  of  the  State. 


926 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


No.  24. 

Unanimously  Adopted  dy  the  Delegates  to  the  Central  Labor  Union  of 

Philadelphia,  Pa.,  July  13,  1919. 

Presented  by  William  J.  Boyle  of  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Resolved,  That  this  Central  Labor  Union,  representing  upward  of  300,000 
workmen,  record  its  protest  against  the  adoption  by  the  United  State,-,  of  the 
league  of  nations  as  at  present  constituted.  It  has  even  been  the  policy  of 
America  to  encourage  democracy  everywhere  and  it  is  unthinkable  that  we 
should  now  array  ourselves  on  the  side  of  autocracy  by  agreeing  to  article  10  of 
the  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations,  which  would  compel  us  to  aid  in  keeping 
millions  of  the  people  of  the  world  in  perpetual  bondage.  We  abhor  the 
thought  that  any  group  of  men  other  than  Americans  be  empowered  to  dictate 
our  policies  in  peace  or  war.  Our  slogan  is,  “  America  first,”  and  we  especially 
approve  that  part  of  the  resolution  adopted  by  the  delegates  to  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  convention  held  in  Atlantic  City,  N.  J.,  June  9-30,  1919, 
which  declares,  “That  nothing  in  the  league  of  nations  con  be  construed  as 
in  any  way  interfering  with  the  freedom  of  Ireland  as  recognized  by  the  vote 
of  this  covention.” 


No.  25. 

Statement  of  Edward  F.  McSweeney,  of  Boston,  Member  of  the  Advisory 
Committee  of  the  Irish  Victory  Fund  and  National  Officer  Friends 
of  Irish  Freedom. 

As  I  have  stated  in  a  series  of  articles  published  by  the  Boston  American, 
the  desperate  need  of  civilization  today  is  peace — from  armed  strife;  from 
capitalistic  oppression ;  from  industrial  terrorism ;  to  get  the  world  back  to  a 
semblance  of  brotherhood  between  men.  Above  all,  the  Americon  people  want 
peace  with  honor.  Only  two  years  ago  a  presidential  election  was  won  on  the 
slogan  that  “  He  kept  us  out  of  war.”  At  that  time  Belgium  had  been  occupied 
for  more  than  three  years;  the  richest  parts  of  France  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  Germans  and  the  allied  enemy  was  irresistibly  pushing  forward  to  control 
of  the  channel  ports ;  England  was  threatened  with  invation  and  starvation. 
For  three  years  and  three  months  the  world  was  ringing  with  stories  of  atroci¬ 
ties,  outrages,  barbarism;  yet  the  American  people  were  so  opposed  to  war 
that  even  with  all  the  facts  before  them  they  decided  the  choice  of  the  greatest 
officer  in  the  world  on  the  antiwar  issue. 

At  this  time  the  German  plans  for  world  control  were  substantially  consum¬ 
mated,  the  Teutonic  dream  of  centuries  was  about  to  come  true.  From  Berlin 
to  the  Persian  Gulf  the  Central  Powers  were  practically  in  mastery,  and  with 
the  ultimate  victory  which  was  admitted  unless  America  intervened,  Germany 
would  retain  its  control  over  South  Africa,  which,  with  Siberia,  will  in  another 
generation  be  the  source  of  the  world’s  food  supply. 

The  imminent  collapse  of  Russia  assured  German  control  of  the  wealth  of 
food  and  minerals  of  Siberia  and  the  other  undeveloped  parts  of  the  former 
dominion  of  the  Romanoffs. 

GERMANS  FOUGHT  WITHOUT  PRETENSE. 

Moreover,  there  was  no  German  pretense  about  the  rights  of  small  people, 
self-determination,  freedom,  or  democracy. 

German  control  was  autocracy,  based  on  the  power  of  might  over  right. 

When  the  presidential  campaign  was  held  in  1916  this  was  the  exact  situation 
in  Europe,  yet  a  majority  of  the  voters  in  the  United  States  voted  to  reelect 
the  President  who  had  asked  for  their  support  because  “  he  kept  us  out  of 
war.” 

When,  in  response  to  the  urging  of  the  Allies,  the  President,  in' 1917,  an¬ 
nounced  that  American  intervention  was  necessary,  he  laid  down,  in  language 
which  seemed  divinely  inspired,  a  declaration  of  purposes  which  made  partici¬ 
pation  seem  a  holy  cause — another  Crusade  to  save  the  world  from  sin ;  to 
repeat  in  our  generation  the  story  of  the  American  Revolution.  With  purest 
altruism  and  without  hope  of  reward,  the  United  States  entered  the  war  to 
insure  for  the  world  forever  the  things  for  which  Washington  fought  and 
secured  by  American  independence. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


927 


The  war  was  won  by  the  intervention  of  the  United  States,  and  to-day, 
eight  months  after  the  signing  of  the  armistice,  the  national  delirium  of  joy 
shown  at  its  ending  has  not  been  justified.  The  great,  patient,  loyal  heart  of 
America  is  uneasy.  The  end  of  the  war  has  brought,  not  happiness  and  con¬ 
tentment,  but  doubt  and  apprehension. 

At  the  root  of  the  national  distress  is  disappointment  at  the  failure  of  the 
United  States’  delegates  to  the  peace  conference  to  fulfill  the  solemn  promises 
made  to  the  nation  when  it  entered  and  won  the  war ;  to  the  4,000,000  young 
men  called  into  armed  service,  75,000  of  whom  were  killed  believing  that  they  died 
for  a  high  ideal ;  and  to  the  250,000  more  or  less  permanently  maimed,  each  ono 
a  living  demand  for  redemption  of  our  pledges. 

The  altruistic  and  unselfish  spirit  which  flamed  into  action  with  the  Presi¬ 
dent’s  declarations  of  the  purposes  for  which  he  made  the  call  for  arms  has 
not  changed  in  the  slightest.  The  United  States  asks  for  nothing,  wants  nothing 
but  it  has  awakened  to  the  fact  that  after  defeaing  German  military  despotism 
it  is  now  asked  to  abandon  American  ideals  a,nd  repudiate  America.  Having 
won  the  war,  the  United  States  is  denied  the  right  to  dictate  any  vital  part  of 
the  peace  pledges  to  accept  a  monarchical  dominance,  based  on  “  navalism.”  It 
welcomed  eagerly  the  idea  pf  a  league  of  nations  which  was  in  line  with  the 
declaration  which  caused  us  to  enter  the  war,  but  as  the  facts  became  known, 
the  people  are  determined  to  repudiate  the  proposed  “  league  of  nations,”  written 
by  Lord  Cecil,  which,  in  its  lengthy  preamble,  does  not  even  mention  or  hint  at 
“liberty,”  or  “self-determination,”  while  confirming  mastery  of  the  world  in  the 
great  powers.  At  its  best,  the  proposed  league  of  nations  is  a  provocation  to 
war,  and  at  its  worst  a  buttress  of  imperialism. 

ENGLAND  BLAMED  FOR  GREAT  WAR. 

The  nation,  willing  to  make  full  allowances  for  the  necessary  give  and  take 
of  conflicting  national  interests  to  achieve  the  main  end  in  view,  has  been 
reluctantly  forced  to  believe  that  if  the  peace  conference  had  insisted  on  a 
peace  based  on  our  declaration  of  purposes  made  before  we  entered  the  war 
the  world  would  to-day  be  well  on  the  road  to  peace,  and  that  the  seduction 
of  American  ideals  and  pledges  by  allied  flattery,  intrigue,  and  power  of  per¬ 
suasion  will,  if  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  establish  with  crushing  force  the 
secret  treaty  agreements ;  regarding  which,  on  April  7,  1917,  at  Leeds,  President 
Jowett,  of  the  independent  labor  party  of  England,  said :  “  The  world  war 
came  as  the  result  of  England’s  secret  treaties.” 

It  will  perpetuate  the  diplomatic  intrigues  and  selfish  balance-of-power 
agreements  with  their  inevitable  consequences  of  human,  racial,  and  economic 
oppression,  which  it  was  the  hope  of  the  United  States  the  war  would  remove 
forever. 

The  league  of  nations,  in  short,  will  undo  the  work  of  the  American  Revolu¬ 
tion.  It  will  make  Great  Britain  supreme  in  the  world.  Under  the  pretense 
of  friendship  it  is  a  carefully  laid  and  skillfully  worked  out  plan  to  retain, 
hamper,  and  dwarf  the  power  of  the  United  States  to  progress  to  its  manifest 
destiny  to  be  the  leading  commercial  nation  of  the  world,  a  consummation 
urgently  to  be  desired  in  the  interest  of  civilization,  because  the  history  of  the 
United  States  has  proved  that  its  progress  has  ever  been  accompanied  by  a 
willingness  to  give  equal  freedom  to  all,  as  opposed  to  the  repressive  and  arro¬ 
gant  overlordship  which  has  been  the  distinguishing  characteristic  of  British 
control,  which  for  centuries  has  made  it  a  definite  policy  to  cripple  or  remove 
by  whatever  means  at  hand  its  business  rivals. 

'  It  was  British  hatred  of  colonial  progress  and  hope  to  destroy  a  potential 
commercial-  rival  that  caused  the  American  Revolution. 

It  destroyed  the  commerce  of  Holland,  Spain,  and  France. 

It  has  repeatedly  tried  to  control  or  destroy  the  commerce  of  the  United 
states.  Every  time  it  has  had  opportunity  it  has  shown  its  hatred  of  this 
country: 

It  has  now  destroyed  Germany  and  would  again  control  this  country. 

It  went  to  war  with  China  to  force  it  to  accept  the  opium  trade,  and  then 
took  Hongkong  and  $30,000,000  indemnity. 

IRISH  OPPOSITION  TO  PACT. 

The  Irish  stock  in  America  has  found  here  economic,  religious,  and  political 
freedom.  Their  first  allegiance  is  here.  They  are,  above  all,  Americans. 
Bitter  experience  for  centuries  of  the  economic,  political,  and  religious  degrada- 


928 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


tion,  due  to  English  rule  and  intimate  knowledge  of  the  various  processes  by 
which  Great  Britain  reaches  its  goal,  has  given  the  States  Senate  permits 
our  best  friend  among  the  nations  to  be  wronged,  stolen  its  principal  com¬ 
mercial  district  from  China  to  be  exploited  by  Britain’s  partner  in  the  Orient, 
Japan,  which  did  not  send  a  soldier  to  Europe  to  aid  the  war. 

While  the  nation  abhors  war,  there  is  a  price  which  is  too  high  to  be  paid 
for  a  shameful  peace.  This  is  a  strictly  American  question,  yet  the  commonest 
defense  of  the  league  is  that  opposition  to  it  is  stirred  up  wholly  by  Irish 
hatred  of  England.  That  the  American  Irish  are  against  the  league  proposed 
is  true,  but  not  for  the  reason  given.  The  first  object  of  every  person  of  Irish 
blood  in  this  country  is  the  safety,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  the  United 
States. 

As  they  made  the  largest  single  racial  contribution  to  the  armed  forces  of  the 
United  States  during  the  war,  they  are  to-day  the  largest  single  racial  force 
in  the  present  struggle  to  save  America  from  the  consequences  of  the  surrender 
of  American  liberty  at  the  Paris  conference. 

APATHY  ABROAD  REGARDING  LEAGUE. 

This  much  may  be  said  in  addition — if  the  persons  of  Irish  blood  in  the 
United  States,  who  accepted  without  reservation  the  President’s  promises  and 
in  every  way  met  the  call  in  men,  money,  and  war  service,  not  obtruding  them¬ 
selves,  keeping  quiet  under  a  systematized  campaign  of  falsehood  and  -mis¬ 
representation,  would  now  consent  to  remain  silent  under  the  fact  that  they 
are  under  this  proposed  league  marked  to  be  the  only  subject  white  race 
on  earth,  they  would  in  justice  forfeit  the  respect  of  all  men — worse  than 
this — they  would  lose  their  self-respect,  and  thus  prepare  the  way  for  an 
automatic  discrimination  against  themselves  in  every  field  of  human  activities. 
As  Americans  first,  however,  they  put  the  United  States  first.  When  its  liberty 
and  future  are  safeguarded,  Ireland  will  incidentally  be  benefited,  because 
there  is  no  difference  in  the  principle  involved. 

The  astounding  fact  is  that  the  United  States  is  the  only  Nation  where  the 
league  of  nations  is  taken  seriously.  The  apathy  concerning  it  among  the  allied 
nations  is  because  it  is  known  to  be  what  it  actually  is :  A  British  plan  to  get 
dominance  over  the  United  States,  which  the  other  nations  are  satisfied  to  let 
happen,  while  each  (with  the  exception  of  Italy),  shares  in  the  division  of  loot 
parceled  out  in  secret  treaties  made  during  the  war,  and  confirmed  in  Lord 
Cecil’s  league  of  nations. 

As  the  creditor  Nation  of  the  world,  the  only  one  with  no  ax  to  grind,  the 
United  States  was  in  a  position  to  command  compliance  in  the  peace  negotiations 
with  the  ideal  which  forced  it  into  the  war.  At  the  beginning  every  wish  was 
complied  with.  When  President  Wilson  proposed  the  ridiculous  conference  in  the 
Sea  of  Marmora  with  the  Russian  Reds,  the  conference  smiled,  shrugged  its 
diplomatic  shoulders,  and  consented,  whereupon  Mr.  Wilson  appointed  as  the  rep¬ 
resentative  of  the  United  States  the  Rev.  Herron,  whose  peculiar  notions  re¬ 
garding  marriage  and  other  long-observed  American  ideals  are,  to  say  the  least, 
liberal.  Inasmuch  as  the  Nation  has  since  the  war  become  familiar  with  the 
Herron  type  of  internationalists,  who  have  come  into  prominence  and  power,  it 
loyally  gagged  hard  and  swallowed.  The  Prince’s  Island  conference,  as  the  wise 
ones  who  voted  for  it  expected,  never  was  held. 

EUROPEAN  “  GRATITUDE  ”  PATHETIC. 

The  gratitude  of  the  people  of  the  European  nations  to  the  United  States  as 
represented  in  its  Chief  Executive  was  pathetic.  They  believed  that  he  was  the 
magic- worker — they  wanted  and  expected  him  to  give  to  them  peace,  three  meals 
a  day,  and  a  roof  over  their  head,  and  got  a  Pandora’s  box,  from  which  the 
colony  of  mischiefs  is  escaping  despite  the  assurance  that  it  would  remain  closed. 
The  world,  and  the  United  States  in  particular,  is  beginning  to  realize  what 
Wellington  meant  when  he  said  after  Waterloo:  “There  is  only  one  thing  worse 
than  defeat — victory.” 

France  has  so  little  confidence  in  the  league,  as  a  power  to  restrain  war,  that 
it  insisted  on  and  obtained  a  separate  defensive  alliance  with  the  United  States. 

In  the  Belgian  Chamber  of  Deputies  on  August  8  the  premier  said  that  the 
league  offered  Belgium  so  little  guaranty  of  peace  that  it  forces  that  nation  to 
look  to  its  own  defense.  Italy,  which  alone  has  been  denied  its  secret-treaty  loot, 
is  defiant  and  resentful. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


929 


When  the  league  was  presented  to  the  British  Parliament,  Its  reception, 
according  to  the  London  press,  was  derisive  laughter,  the  joke  being  at  the  ex¬ 
pense  of  the  United  States.  It  was  naturally  not  opposed. 

The  King  of  England  paid  unprecedented  honor  to  Lloyd-George  on  his  home- 
coining  from  Paris  because  of  his  diplomatic  victories  for  Britain,  and  well  he 
might.  While  the  power  of  every  other  monarchy  has  been  lessened,  where  not 
abolished,  Great  Britain  is  in  political  control  of  every  third  human  being  ori 
earth,  and  is  absolute  on  the  seas ;  its  only  formidable  European  rival  is  out  of 
the  way ;  it  has  only  one  real  business  competitor  left — the  United  States, 
which  it  obviously  proposes  to  subdue  by  the  arts  in  which  it  has  no  peer — 
diplomatic  finesse,  flattery,  deception,  intrigue. 

To  accomplish  this  end  a  campaign  of  British  misrepresentation  has  been 
permitted  to  be  carried  on  in  this  country  and  in  South  America,  in  which 
country  it  is  designed  to  stifle,  obstruct,  ond  control  the  competition  of  the 
United  States.  In  the  United  States  it  has  largely  been  directed  to  isolate  the 
Irish  question  from  the  other  questions  of  British  imperial  policy  in  their  rela¬ 
tion  to  American  interests  to  force  it  forward  as  matter  peculiar  to  the  Irish 
and  by  invoking  religious,  racial,  and  personal  passions,  in  the  intensity  of  the 
controversy,  to  sidetrack  discussion  of  matters  of  vital  interest. 

Decided  on  merit,  there  can  be  no  permanent  union  between  the  government 
theories  of  Britain  and  the  United  States.  It  is  the  marriage  of  the  serpent 
and  the  dove,  doomed  in  advance  to  disaster. 

“  MILITARISM  ”  AND  “  NAVALISM.” 

There  Is  no  difference  to  the  future  of  liberty  between  “  militarism  ”  as  repre¬ 
sented  by  Germany  and  “  navalism,”  which  is  the  power  behind  the  Govern¬ 
ment  whose  policy  is  thus  explained  by  Lord  Thring : 

“  The  means  by  which  the  possessions  of  Great  Britain  were  acquired  have 
been  various  as  the  possessions  themselves.  What  is  the  link  which  fastens 
each  of  these  possessions  to  the  mother  country?  The  inherent  and  indestructi¬ 
ble  right  to  exercise  imperial  powers;  in  other  words,  the  supremacy  of  the 
Queen  and  the  British  Parliament.  What,  again,  is  the  common  bond  of  union 
between  these  vast  colonial  possessions,  differing  in  laws,  in  religion,  and  in 
the  character  of  the  population?  The  same  answer  must  be  given,  namely,  the 
sovereignty  of  Great  Britain.  The  mode  in  which  the  materials  composing  the 
British  Empire  have  been  cemented  together  is  exactly  the  reverse  of  the  man¬ 
ner  of  the  construction  of  the  American  Union.  In  the  case  of  the  American 
Union  independent  States  voluntarily  relinquisheed  a  portion  of  their  sover¬ 
eignty  to  secure  national  unity,  and  intrusted  the  guardianship  of  that  unity  to 
a  representative  body  chosen  by  themselves.” 

While  Lord  Thring  is  in  error  in  his  conception  of  the  “  guardianship  ”  of 
American  sovereignty,  which  reposes  in  the  people  alone,  he  draws  a  correct 
picture  of  the  power  of  British  sovereignty,  the  exact  opposite  of  the  purposes 
of  which  the  United  States  entered  the  war.  With  “  militarism  ”  temporarily 
defeated,  inevitably  to  grow  again  if  the  league  of  nations  is  approved  by  the 
United  States,  the  present  fight  is  on  “  navalism,”  the  present  and  future 
menace  of  world  peace. 

HOW  ENGLAND  HAS  DOMINATED  THE  WORLD. 

With  the  exception  of  one  decade  in  the  nineteenth  century,  about  the  fifties, 
when  the  United  States  awakened  and  took  the  control  of  the  seas,  only  to 
relinquish  it  again  with  the  coming  of  the  Civil  War,  England,  by  the  powTer 
of  her  navy,  has  absolutely  dominated  the  world. 

When  the  armistice  was  signed  in  November,  1918,  the  United  States  had  a 
quarter  of  a  million  more  soldiers  in  France  than  Great  Britain,  the  balance  of 
-British  soldiers  necessary  to  equalize  the  number  of  United  States  forces  at  the 
front  having  been  diverted  to  police  duty  in  Egypt,  India,  and  Ireland. 

The  British  Navy  was  strengthened  constantly  during  the  war.  The  United 
States  was  permitted  to  build  a  merchant  marine,  but  without  freedom  of  the 
seas,  which  was  not  even  brought  up  for  discussion  at  Paris.  England  retains 
the  power  over  the  United  States  that  it  has  exercised  for  a  generation  to 
control  rates,  freights,  sailings,  and  ports,  which  leaves  this  country  in  com¬ 
mercial  bondage  to  it.  As  a  result  the  workingmen  of  the  United  States  are  in 
imminent  danger  of  being  unemployed  for  four  months  of  each  year. 


930 


THE  AT  Y  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


Secretary  Lansing  made  two  statements  in  his  testimony  before  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  either  of  which  is  sufficient  to  justify  the 
defeat  of  the  league  of  nations  as  being  inimical  to  the  future  of  American 
commerce. 

One  was  that  the  “  freedom  of  the  seas  was  not  discussed.”  While  it  later 
appeared  in  President  Wilson’s  belated  submission  of  his  draft  that  a  weak  and 
innocuous  mention  was  made  of  this  subject,  it  did  not  even  skim  the  surface 
of  “  navalism,”  the  real  menace  of  world  peace.  And  the  other,  that  the  secret 
treaty  between  England  and  Japan,  by  which  England  gave  something  she  did 
not  own  to  a  nation  which  had  no  right  to  receive  it,  was  known  before  the 
terms  of  the  peace  treaty  were  decided,  and  objection  was  made  against  it  to 
Mr.  Wilson,  without  effect,  by  himself  and  his  colleagues. 

When  the  nation  contrasts  the  verbal  chastisement  which  Mr.  Wilson  gave 
Italy  over  the  Fiume  claims,  largely  of  academic  interest  to  this  country,  with 
his  concealment  and  final  indorsement,  against  the  advice  of  his  colleagues,  of 
the  pro-English-anti-American  antihonor  and  decency  Shantung  deal,  it  must 
be  admitted  that  the  American  people  have  shown  wonderful  patience,  although 
there  is  little  doubt  of  their  resentment  and  determined  opposition,  which  will 
be  shown  in  the  final  action  of  the  United  States  Senate. 

The  President  has  decided,  however,  that  the  league  must  go  through,  what¬ 
ever  happens,  and,  with  his  marvelous  skill  in  phrasing,  dragged  into  his  ad¬ 
dress  to  Congress  on  the  “  cost  of  living  ”  an  appeal  to  wage  earners  to  come 
to  his  assistance.  Before  doing  this,  workmen  and  manufacturers  should  con¬ 
sider  the  consequences  to  themselves,  their  families,  and  the  Nation. 

Sir  Walter  Raleigh  said  that  the  control  of  shipping  meant  control  of  world 
trade,  and  this  meant  control  of  the  world. 

For  more  than  20  years  the  need  of  a  foreign  market  for  the  surplus  products 
of  the  United  States  has  been  manifest.  To  facilitate  access  to  the  trade  of  the 
Orient  and  the  Far  East,  which  is  thrown  away  by  the  Shantung  steal,  President 
Roosevelt  built  the  Panama  Canal  to  offset  the  advantages  to  British  shipping 
of  the  Suez  Canal.  When  it  was  completed,  an  advantage  to  American  ships 
using  it  was  given  by  law.  This  displeased  Great  Britain,  which  protested  with¬ 
out  effect  until  the  Democratic  administration  came  into  power  in  1913,  when, 
in  violation  of  campaign  promises,  the  law  was  repealed. 

Britain  was  not  only  mistress  of  the  seas,  but  could  and  did  control  adversely 
the  internal  policies  of  this  country  designed  to  encourage  and  extend  our  sea 
power. 

Under  improved  methods  of  production,  tremendously  stimulated  by  the  war, 
the  workers  of  the  United  States  can  produce  in  eight  months  all  that  the  coun¬ 
try  can  consume  in  a  year.  The  solution  of  unemployment  and  its  accompanying 
evils  is  in  disposing  of  our  surplus  products  of  manufacture  in  the  open  markets 
of  the  world.  The  neglect,  as  admitted  by  Secretary  Lansing,  even  to  discuss  at 
Paris  the  matter  of  the  freedom  of  the  seas  is  unexplainable,  when  we  realize 
that  in  a  United  States  Senate  investigation  held  in  1913,  recorded  in  several 
volumes  of  testimony,  it  was  conclusively  demonstrated,  and  admitted  by  the 
representatives  of  the  Shipping  Trust,  that  under  trust  methods  it  was  impos¬ 
sible  for  the  United  States  before  the  war  to  build  or  maintain  a  merchant 
marine. 

HOW  FOREIGNERS  HIT  BOSTON  PORT. 

A  small  body  of  foreigners  sitting  in  an  office  in  London  could,  and  did,  not 
only  determine  the  price  and  character  of  American  freight,  but  could  determine 
and  limit  the  ports  in  America  from  which  freight  end  passengers  could  be  sent. 
Means  were  provided  where  competition  by  independent  American  transportation 
companies  was  made  impossible.  Baltimore,  Boston,  and  Philadelphia  were 
forced  to  build  and  maintain  expensive  marine  terminals,  the  use  of  which  the 
Shipping  Trust  received  free,  while  the  alien  ships  receiving  these  favors  had 
to  pay  for  similar  facilities  in  their  home  ports. 

This  was  possible  only  because  it  was  within  the  power  of  the  Shipping  Trust 
to  close  to  foreign  trade  any  one  of  these  ports  refusing  to  comply  with  its 
demands. 

Neglect  of  the  United  States  after  the  Civil  War  to  maintain  its  sea  strength 
left  it  at  the  beginning  of  the  great  war  with  its  merchant  marine  only  two- 
fifths  what  it  was  in  1855  and  substantially  the  same  tonnage  as  the  United 
States  had  in  1810. 

Under  Shipping  Trust  control  exports  of  the  United  States  were  restricted 
largely  to  the  food  and  raw  materials  which  Europe  could  not  get  along  without. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY, 


931 


As  a  result  of  this  control,  the  price  of  products,  such  as  cotton,  copper,  pot¬ 
ash,  food,  meat,  and  grains  was  in  most  cases  dominated  in  England,  and  in 
some  combinations  by  England  and  Germany  together. 

ENGLAND  FLOUTS  AMERICAN  RIGHTS. 

During  the  war  England  contemptuously  disregarded  and  opposed  our  busi¬ 
ness  rights.  It  held  up  our  ships  dealing  with  neutral  nations,  blacklisted  and 
confiscated  our  products,  and  refused  to  permit  our  doing  business  with 
neutral  countries,  while  it  sold  the  same  kind  of  goods  to  these  neutrals. 
In  its  effort  to  get  control  of  trade  formerly  done  by  Germany  it  shut  us  out 
of  South  America.  When  our  progressive  manufacturers  attempted  to  build 
up  the  dye  industry  it  put  embargoes  on  exports  to  the  United  States  of  log¬ 
wood  and  barks  from  Central  America — all  this  through  its  control  of  the 
seas. 

Cotton  grown  in  the  Southern  States  was  sold  by  English  middlemen  to 
continental  European  manufacturers  at  a  lower  price  than  the  same  cotton 
could  be  bought  by  cotton  manufacturers  in  New  England.  Of  eighteen  mil¬ 
lions’  worth  of  manufactured  cottons  imported  into  Argentina  the  year  before 
the  war,  the  United  States,  the  greatest  producer  of  raw  cotton  in  the  world, 
sold  but  $300,000  worth. 

One  can  not  read  a  daily  paper  without  seeing  various  items  which  indicate 
that  England  has  her  finger  in  every  business  pie  in  all  corners  of  the  world. 

Further,  nothing  in  the  league  of  nations  prevents — in  fact,  it  encourages — 
the  right  of  England  and  Japan  to  prefer  each  other  in  their  respective  colonies 
and  thus  automatically  to  discriminate  against  the  products  of  the  United 
States. 

Nothing  in  the  league  regulates  or  prevents  shipping  arrangements  to  be 
carried  so  far  as  to  create  lower  rates  for  Japanese  and  British  shipping  than 
for  United  States  commerce. 

ANOTHER  BLOW  TO  AMERICAN  TRADE. 

In  June,  1916,  there  was  held  at  Paris  an  “  economic  alliance  ”  of  the  Entente 
Powers,  which,  while  the  purposes  were  disguised,  was  actually  designed  to  sub¬ 
stitute  a  system  of  trade  preferences  for  the  most-favored-nation  relation  upon 
which  the  commercial  intercourse  of  Europe  and  America  rested  before  the  war. 

It  was  openly  stated  at  this  Paris  conference  that  this  would  operate  against 
the  competition  of  the  United  States,  and  carry  its  commerce  below  normal 
equity  in  world  commerce. 

The  feeling  of  the  British  shipping  interest  toward  the  United  States  was 
expressed  in  the  following  quotation  under  date  of  August  10,  1916,  from  Fair- 
play,  the  leading  journal  devoted  to  shipping  finance  in  England : 

“America  so  far  has  evaded  the  fight,  but  she  is  bound  to  recognize  two 
things  (apart  from  the  fact  that  we  are  not  out  to  be  beaten)  :  Firstly,  that  the 
nations  who  win  this  war,  whether  they  be  the  Allies  or  the  Central  Powers, 
will  not  be  in  a  temper  to  stand  any  nonsense  from  any  neutrals ;  that  the  win¬ 
ning  combatant  countries  will  represent  the  main  armed  forces  of  the  world, 
and  that  no  one  else  will  be  in  the  running.  Secondly,  America  will  appreciate 
that  the  Allies,  pace  Mr.  Asquith,  do  intend,  where  it  pays  them  to  do  so,  to  put 
up  a  tariff  wall  between  themselves  and  neutrals.  They  mean  to  restore  them¬ 
selves  and  to  become  self-supporting — at  some  expense  it  may  be  while  the 
operation  lasts,  but  certainly  not  for  the  benefit  of  neutrals.  And  if  this  be  so, 
then  America  has  perhaps  a  somewhat  awkwardly  restricted  market.  She  has 
already  experienced  the  pleasure  of  a  Chinese  boycott,  but  at  the  close  of  the 
war  she  will  be  facing  as  a  competitor  a  Japan  which  economically,  financially, 
and  by  treaty  is  a  vastly  different  proposition  from  the  Nation  which  could  be 
openly  flouted  over  California  issues  a  few  years  back.” 

WRITTEN  AFTER  SECRET  PACT  WITH  JAPAN. 

The  fact  that  this  friendly  comment  was  written  shortly  after  the  secret 
treaty  between  Japan  and  England  was  made  is  so  significant  that  comment  is 
not  necessary. 

In  January,  1917,  at  the  very  time  when  Balfour  and  Vivioni  were  in  the 
United  States  pleading  with  President  Wilson  for  American  intervention,  a 

great  convention  was  being  held  at  Pittsburgh  by  the  United  States  National 

12 


135549° — 1& 


932 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY 


Foreign  Trade  Council,  at  which  1,000  delegates  from  the  largest  business 
concerns  in  the  United  States  were  protesting  against  the  action  of  the  Paris 
Alliance  and  devising  methods  to  avert  its  threatened  consequences. 

It  is  believed  by  many  that  the  growth  in  United  States  exports  during  the 
war  is  a  healthy  indication  of  progress  and  that  we  are  on  a  firm  foreign-trade 
basis.  It  is,  in  fact,  quite  the  contrary,  because  this  increase  has  been  brought 
about  almost  wholly  by  the  export  of  war  needs,  which  substantially  ceased 
with  the  war.  Our  trade  balance  during  the  war  on  a  peace  basis  went  steadily 
downward.  We  gained  money  during  the  last  five  years  in  our  foreign  trade, 
but  not  business. 

Nothing  practical  has  been  done  by  the  United  States  Government  to  stabilize 
our  foreign  commerce,  and  the  league  of  nations  threatens  it  with  paralysis. 

A  most  important  but  little  considered  factor  in  British  plans  is  its  control 
of  the  mechanics  of  news  distribution.  Through  this  power  it  could  and  did 
during  the  war  refuse  to  neutral  nations  the  right  to  communicate  with  each 
other  on  their  strictly  neutral  business  and  personal  matters.  Before  the  war 
merchants  in  the  United  States  complained  repeatedly  of  interference  with 
their  mail  and  cables. 

SO-CALLED  “  LIBERTY  ”  MEANINGLESS. 

While  the  world  is  compelled  to  get  the  consent  of  any  one  notion  to  sail  the 
seas  or  freely  to  communicate  with  each  other,  the  liberty  for  which  the  war  was 
won  is  a  meaningless  word.  Under  cate  of  August  8,  1919,  the  United  States 
Foreign  Trade  Council  announces  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  take  up 
the  matter  of  American  systems  of  cables  and  wireless.  Present  conditions  are 
described  as  “  intolerable.” 

Any  nation  that,  in  addition  to  control  of  the  seas  (which  Great  Britain  has 
under  the  league)  can  dominate  the  world’s  food  supply  of  the  earth,  is  double 
master  of  the  world’s  destiny.  In  1912  James  J.  Hill  called  attention  to  the 
progressive  diminution  in  food  production  of  the  United  States,  and  looking 
ahead  not  for  a  year,  but  a  generation,  there  is  no  question  but  that  the  United 
States  and  Canada  are  fast  getting  in  a  position  where  they  will  not  be  much 
more  than  able  to  feed  themselves.  The  same  conditions  apply  in  South 
America  and  Australia.  If  the  peace  treaty  and  league  are  approved,  England, 
which  can  not  produce  within  its  own  island  boundaries  food  enough  to  supply 
it  for  more  than  two  months  in  the  year,  is  in  control  of  the  future  food  supply 
of  the  world. 

When  the  attempt  was  made  by  Cecil  Rhodes  to  reduce  the  Boer  Republic  to 
vassalage  to  Great  Britain,  afterwards  successful,  after  one  of  the  most 
iniquitous  wars  in  the  world’s  history,  he  openly  declared  it  his  ultimate 
purpose  to  paint  the  map  of  the  world  red,  and  as  the  first  step  to  run  a  railroad 
line  from  Cairo  to  the  cape. 

The  treaty  of  peace  has  actually  painted  Africa  red,  and  it  is  important  for 
us  in  this  country  to  know  that  in  Africa  there  has  been  turned  over  to  England 
one  of  the  largest  potential  food  areas  left  in  the  world,  and  American  assist¬ 
ance  is  also  being  exerted  to  place  Siberia,  the  second  largest  potential  unused 
food-supply  area  in  the  world  under  the  control  of  Great  Britain. 

WHEN  BRITISH  ATTITUDE  WILL  CHANGE. 

A  Great  Britain  freed  from  dependence  on  the  food  supply  of  the  United 
States  will  be  a  vastly  different  nation  to  deal  with  than  a  Great  Britain  which 
wTould  starve  without  us. 

Since  the  war  the  United  States  has  become  the  creditor  nation  of  the  world. 
If  we  gauge  correctly  the  sentiment  of  the  people  of  this  country  we  are  safe 
in  assuming  that  the  tremendous  debts  due  the  United  States  by  the  rest  of 
the  world  will  not  be  used  as  a  source  of  exploitation,  coercion,  or  oppression, 
but  since  we  are  in  the  dominant  financial  position  by  virtue  of  our  national 
resources,  there  is  no  reason  why  we  shall  permit  injustice  to  be  done  the  people 
of  our  country  by  allowing  British  financial  manipulation  to  neutralize  this 
situation  adversely  to  our  national  interest 

England  has  a  floating  debt  of  twenty-seven  billions,  eight  and  a  half  of 
which  comes  due  this  year.  There  is  a  balance  in  favor  of  the  United  States 
of  more  than  four  billions.  On  the  ordinary  basis  of  business  England  is  to-day 
bankrupt,  with  Internal,  economic  conditions  making  it  worse. 


TREATY  OF  PEACE  WITH  GERMANY. 


933 


There  are  signs  and  portents  of  a  secret  campaign  now  beginning,  which  has 
for  its  object  the  purpose  of  repudiating  not  only  the  interest,  but  the  principal, 
of  the  United  States  war  loans.  It  may  be  that  somehing  of  this  nature  must 
be  agreed  to  by  the  United  States  to  save  the  world,  but  whatever  action  is 
taken  must  not  be  to  restore  England’s  lost  financial  leadership,  but  equally  to 
sustain  the  credit  and  economic  security  of  all  nations  alike.  Only  a  rigid  in¬ 
quiry  by  the  Congress  into  these  questions,  and  especially  as  to  the  process  by 
which  the  exchange  value  of  the  pound  sterling  is  being  maintained  at  what 
many  believe  to  be  an  artificial  ratio,  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States,  will 
enable  the  people  to  deal  fairly  with  debtor-nations,  and  in  the  real  spirit  of 
world  peace  determine  the  problems  and  responsibilities  of  the  position  of  the 
United  States  as  a  creditor  for  the  world. 

MAY  CTX)SE  FAR  EASTERN  “  OPEN  DOOR.'* 

Aside  from  the  humiliating  betrayal  of  China,  our  best  friend  and  most 
powerful  potential  partner  among  the  nations,  in  its  sacrifice  to  the  commercial 
ambition  of  England’s  ally  and  secret  partner,  Japan,  the  people  of  the  United 
States  are  vitally  concerned  in  the  control  of  the  “  Key  to  the  Orient  ”  by  Japan 
and  England.  Hong  Kong,  the  other  important  entrance  to  China,  is  also  in 
control  of  Great  Britain,  whose  joint  control  with  Japan  of  Kiaochow  will  mean 
the  abandonment  of  the  policy  of  the  “  open  door  ”  established  as  a  result  of 
American  diplomacy.  It  will  give  monopoly  to  the  two  principal  competitors  of 
the  United  States  to  a  market  of  a  half  billion  people.  While  the  principal 
opposition  to  the  Shantung  pact  is  based  on  our  betrayal  of  a  friend,  he  commer¬ 
cial  consequences  to  America  of  approving  any  league  which  shuts  it  out  of  the 
“  open  door  ”  to  the  Orient  merits  serious  consideration. 

Other  items  might  be  added  to  this  protest.  The  tremendous  expansion  dur¬ 
ing  the  war  of  the  United  States  merchant  marine,  on  an  oil  burning  basis, 
frees  this  country  from  the  dependence  on  English  coaling  bases  throughout 
the  world,  which  have  been  the  principal  sources  of  her  sea  strength.  The 
change  of  motor  power  from  coal  to  oil  would  have  given  opportunity,  under 
real  “  free'dom  of  the  seas,”  for  the  United  States  to  compete  on  a  basis  of  equal¬ 
ity.  British  control  of  the  oil  fuel  fields  in  Russia,  China  and  Mexico  should  be 
denied  and  these  localities  made  free  for  themselves  and  the  world. 

These  considerations  are  presented  in  the  belief  that  they  are  American  issues 
vitally  connected  with  the  discussion  regarding  the  league  of  nations,  which,  as 
proposed,  settles  every  one  of  them  adversely  to  the  United  States. 

If  America  is  true  to  herself  in  this  crisis,  the  decision  of  the  United  States 
Senate  will  transform  and  purify  the  politics,  policies,  and  business  practices  of 
the  whole  world. 


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